The Stamp Act: Revolutionary Resistance in New York

State University of New York College at Buffalo - Buffalo State University State University of New York College at Buffalo - Buffalo State University

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History Theses History and Social Studies Education

5-2018

The Stamp Act: Revolutionary Resistance in New York The Stamp Act: Revolutionary Resistance in New York

Ryan L. Wagner

State University of New York, Buffalo State College

, [email protected]

Advisor Advisor

David A. Carson, Ph.D.

First Reader First Reader

David A. Carson, Ph.D.

Second Reader Second Reader

Andrew D. Nicholls, Ph.D.

Third Reader Third Reader

Kevin J. Miller, Ed.D.

Department Chair Department Chair

Andrew D. Nicholls, Ph.D., Professor of History

To learn more about the History and Social Studies Education Department and its educational

programs, research, and resources, go to http://history.buffalostate.edu/.

Recommended Citation Recommended Citation

Wagner, Ryan L., "The Stamp Act: Revolutionary Resistance in New York" (2018).

History Theses

. 44.

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The Stamp Act: Revolutionary Resistance in New York

Ryan L. Wagner, B.A.

ABSTRACT

Prior to the first battles of the American Revolution, the British Parliament

imposed several duties on the American colonies to fund the expenses of the French and

Indian War, continued attacks on the American frontier, taxed American colonists to

assist with British finances, and garrisoned troops throughout America. One of these

duties, the American Stamp Act, was passed and enacted in early 1765 throughout the

North American British colonies. The correlation between battles, campaigns, and acts

such as imposed duties, are all interrelated. Many historians traditionally view the

colonial reaction to the Stamp Act as one singular political event or overshadowed by the

battles fought in the war for American independence.

This thesis has been written to examine the social and economic impact of the

American Stamp Act of 1765, and to investigate the enforcement practices and reactions

of those affected by the act, specifically in the colony of New York, and its impact on the

subsequent war for American independence. The materials utilized in this study include

both primary and secondary sources. The secondary sources aim to ensure a rounded

understanding of the Stamp Act and pre-Revolutionary thought, while primary sources

have been examined to understand specific localities as issues surrounding the Stamp Act

unraveled.

In this study, a more in-depth examination into the authority that enforced the

Act, the relationship, and interactions between those affected and those who collected the

levy, the various motives of opposition, and the eventual formation of organized

resistance and action within New York in the broader context of colonial America are

explored.

Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge: The Kelnap Press of

Harvard University Press, 1967), 22-23.

State University of New York

College at Buffalo

Department of History and Social Studies Education

The Stamp Act: Revolutionary Resistance in New York

A Thesis in

History

Ryan L. Wagner, B.A.

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements

for the Degree of

Master of Arts

May 2018

Approved by:

David A. Carson, Ph.D.

Distinguished Service Professor

Chairperson of the Committee/Thesis Advisor

Andrew D. Nicholls, Ph.D.

Department Chair and Professor

Kevin J. Miller, Ed.D.

Dean of the Graduate School

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... i

TITLE PAGE .................................................................................................................. ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................... iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................ iv

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 1

CHAPTER 1: ENACTMENT.......................................................................................... 5

Post-War Problems ...................................................................................................... 5

The American Stamp Act .......................................................................................... 12

Implementation and Collection .................................................................................. 15

CHAPTER 2: RESISTANCE THROUGH VIOLENCE ................................................ 31

Violence as a Political Tool ....................................................................................... 31

Organized Resistance in Upstate New York ............................................................... 34

Organized Resistance in New York City .................................................................... 38

CHAPTER 3: RESISTANCE THROUGH PRINT ........................................................ 45

Pamphlets .................................................................................................................. 45

Placards and Broadsides ............................................................................................ 48

Newspapers ............................................................................................................... 51

CHAPTER 4: NEW YORK’S IMPACT ........................................................................ 57

Sons of Liberty .......................................................................................................... 57

Stamp Act Congress .................................................................................................. 62

CHAPTER 5: REPEAL AND CONSEQUENCES ........................................................ 66

Repeal ....................................................................................................................... 66

The Impending Revolution ........................................................................................ 70

CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 75

BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................... 78

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The research and writing of this thesis have proved both challenging and

rewarding. Without the patience, coaching, and guidance of my advisor, Dr. David

Carson, this undertaking would never have been completed. The short time I attended the

State University of New York: College at Buffalo was a personal and professional

growing experience, and I owe a tremendous amount of gratitude to the members of its

History and Social Studies Education Department.

I would also like to thank Dr. Timothy Westcott of Park University. His passion

for history proved contagious and I attribute my interest of the past, and much of my

academic foundation, to him. The many conferences, presentations, and club meetings

we attended together will forever be some of my fondest memories of my collegiate

experience.

Finally, my wife Charlene, children Taylor and Amelia, and my parents have been

my constant motivation. When I had thoughts I may never finish or to give up, they were

my reminders as to why I simply had to keep pushing. Collectively, they have

maintained a level of patience I hope to one day achieve and a display of love I will

forever be undeserving of.

INTRODUCTION

“It cannot be good to tax the Americans… You will lose more than you gain.”

-Thomas Hutchinson, 1765

The British Parliament passed the American Stamp Act on March 22

, 1765 and

decreed its implementation would take effect on November 1

of the same year in British

North America.

From passage to repeal, it was law for just short of one calendar year,

being repealed March 18, 1766. The British government, however, could not have

foreseen the impact it would have on its relationship with the American colonies. This

act would be the charge that would call individuals not typically associated with

revolution into various forms of resistance. In response, American colonists began to use

violence as a legitimate political tool and forced British Parliament into a radical

restructuring of the methods used in levied taxation and organized civil authority.

Following its victory over France in the Seven Years War, Great Britain

encountered massive debts and deficiencies in its ground and naval forces. However, it

no longer concerned itself with the French threat in North America. The Treaty of Paris

of 1763 afforded the British with the opportunity to examine its assets abroad to better

raise revenue and expand its global presence and military might. Additionally,

Parliament passed the first measure to ensure the continued enforcement of the

Navigation Acts the same year. This Act placed stricter guidelines on those officials

enforcing the act and threatened the dismissal of customs officials who did not follow

protocol.

Edmund Morgan and Helen Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution (Chapel Hill: The

University of North Carolina Press, 1962), 54.

Ibid., 23.

North America also witnessed other changes during this period. Following the

stricter enforcement of the Navigation Acts, European goods sent to British ports

encountered significant tax increases with the Revenue Act.

This affected not only

luxury items like wine, but textiles and coffee as well.

Further straining the British

Empire's citizens, French wine was restricted due to the post-war relationship between

the two nations.

Rum imported from French colonies was not exempt from the Revenue

Act either.

The act of removing colonists’ abilities to obtain and enjoy luxuries such as

wine and rum, while simultaneously imposing and increasing taxes, was not well

received in the colonies and the relationships between Britain and North Americans

suffered.

Finally, with the passage of such an act, an expansion of the British customs

service garrisoned in North America was necessary for the collection of duties owed.

To protect interests in North America, Great Britain implemented an updated

policy of maintaining a sizable military presence following the Seven Years’ War. In

1764, George Grenville, Chancellor of the Exchequer, began pursuing a stamp tax to

cover this expense. The influx of British soldiers brought mixed emotions from

Americans, but little colonial input was sought. Grenville commissioned a stamp bill to

be drafted, and those duties collected through the enforcement of said bill would be

utilized to offset those garrisons.

Duties on stamps, legal documents, shipping papers, printed newspapers, and

Oliver Dickerson, The Navigation Acts and the American Revolution (New York: Octagon Books, 1978),

190.

Edward Countryman, The American Revolution (New York: Hill and Wang, 1985), 40.

Dickerson, The Navigation Acts, 192.

Ibid.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 51.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 23.

Ibid., 24.

pamphlets were not a new concept in British America.

In the 1750’s, many colonies

imposed internal duties to provide financial assistance to government functions.

Newspaper editors in New York City were outspoken opponents of early stamp taxes but

not to the point of being moved to rebellion. Some may have viewed a tax imposed by

colonial governments acceptable. Often, these duties were short-lived and sometimes

localized. Because of the large audience found in New York City, staff members and

writers could reach a sizeable number of readers, and some authors and editors would

later take prominent roles in the movement against the Act.

The American Stamp Act was different from previous legislation.

Unlike those

in the past, the Stamp Act affected the collective colonies in British America.

Local

British agents were to enforce collection policies, and for the remainder of 1765 and into

1766, Americans witnessed a wide array of collection practices.

During Grenville’s

propositions to the House of Commons, his intentions were clear: to burden the American

colonies by taxing them into submission through required English overhead of their

commerce and consumption.

At the direction of British Parliament, the duties were to be delivered directly to

England, collected in sterling money, and levied against most printed documents to

include maritime and customs related documents, newspapers, pamphlets, and an array of

Countryman, The American Revolution, 41.

New York, Journal of the Votes and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the Colony of New York,

From 1766 to 1776, Inclusive (Albany: J. Buel, 1820), 521.

Bridenbaugh, Cities in Revolt: Urban Life in America, 1743-1776 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1955),

187.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 41-43.

Ibid., 41-42.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 13-14.

Ibid., 24.

legal papers.

Early opponents contended that if the money collected was to fund

garrisons within the colonies, monies should remain in America.

British Parliament

resolved this argument by changing details of the tax to include the stipulation the

collected duties would remain within the colonies to pay for supplies and salaries of

British troops.

Many colonies, including New York, had begun producing paper currency but the

British government would not accept it as payment due to the sterling requirement.

port cities such as New York, Americans used sterling as it carried its value across other

colonies and the Atlantic. However, utilizing colonial paper notes was growing in

popularity and had begun circulating throughout the colonies but lacked continuity. By

removing the sterling from the colonies through taxation, it severally hampered trade and

currency negotiations beyond colonial borders and many feared its long-term impact.

While the British government enforced these policies, various American industries had

two choices: pay the duties or become creative in their business models by participating

in the economy illicitly. It is no surprise riots took place, customs officers were burned

out of their homes, newspapers closed their doors, mariners took up arms, and the stage

set for the eventual American Revolution took place due to the American Stamp Act.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 41.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 34.

Ibid.

Throughout The Stamp Act's implementation on the products to be taxed and by how much, it is explicit

in stating the levy would be collected in "sterling money."

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 66-71.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 47-49.

CHAPTER ONE: ENACTMENT

“The Stamp Act imposed on the colonies by the Parliament of Great Britain is an ill-

judged measure. Parliament has no right to put its hands into our pockets without our

consent.”

-George Washington, 1765

Post-War Problems

The victory over the French in the Seven Years’ War virtually set in place the

events that would lead to the passage of the American Stamp Act.

However, this

military campaign was not exclusively the rationale in the British pursued tax on the

American colonies.

British Parliament had attempted several other duties in the past;

some short-lived while others, to some degree, proved successful. The American

response was dependent on the implementation process, collection practices, types of

goods and services taxed, and amounts levied.

One of the first examples of colonial cooperation in an attempt to both raise

internal taxes and train a colonial militia occurred in Albany, NY in June of 1754.

Seven

colonies sent representatives to meet with Iroquois Chiefs to secure an ally against the

French, particularly on the colonial frontier.

Additionally, these colonies had hoped to

form a more secure alliance between colonial governments. The delegates departed with

plans of cooperation between other colonies but faced difficulty maneuvering the

The North American campaign of the Seven Years War is often referred to as The French and Indian War,

1754- 1763, fought between Great Britain and France.

Gary Nash, Unknown American Revolution (New York: Penguin Books, 2005), 44-45.

Ibid., 46-47.

Mack Thompson, “Massachusetts and New York Stamp Acts,” The William and Mary Quarterly, Third

Series, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Apr., 1969), 253-254.

Beverly McAnear, “Personal Accounts of the Albany Congress of 1754,” The William and Mary

Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 4, No. 4 (Oct., 1947), 727.

bureaucracies forming throughout the different regions of each colony.

These obstacles

proved problematic in ratifying even an unofficial alliance. Although well before the

American Revolution, halting moves toward self-governance, internal taxation, and even

foreign policy was set into motion.

The American campaign of the Seven Years’ War ended in 1760, and most

American colonists were pleased with their relationship with Britain. The Royal Navy

had a firm grip on the high seas, and the British Parliamentary system ensured English

manufacturing utilized goods and resources from the colonies, adding to colonial

prosperity. American industry continued to grow under the English flag. British banks

offered funds and guidance to the growing American economy. Virtually no separatist

movement existed.

It was a glorious time in the American colonies. They were separated from

England by several thousand miles with room to grow out of their infancy to nearly

sufficient entities, loosely separated by colonial borders and the Atlantic. Their

economies grew, at times seeming to pass those in Great Britain. By the end of the Seven

Years’ War, the British Empire was the most powerful and prosperous and its subjects

the freest in the western world.

Because of this level of prosperity, the American-British

relationship was unclear; what now were the colonists to Great Britain and how did they

fit into the Empire?

Britons did not share the same feelings as those in the colonies and felt the

Ibid.

Thompson, “Massachusetts and New York Stamp Acts,” 254.

Samuel Morison, Sources, and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution 1764-1788 and the

Formation of the Federal Constitution (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), xi.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 5.

American colonies had not contributed to the war and their security.

The colonists

strongly disagreed, felt they had in fact contributed, and the entirety of the British Empire

should share the benefits of successful past conflict. The American colonies were only a

small fragment of the British Empire but had begun to demonstrate self-governance

ability. By garrisoning troops in North America, British troops offered security to

colonial America not only from the Native American threat to European interests but also

to contain any ideas of independence from European rule.

The Spanish and Portuguese entered the war in 1762, further complicating

European relations. The conflict forced Great Britain to concentrate even further on the

European campaigns and less on the American Colonies. The cost of supplies, troops,

and security of Britain's interests had become a reality and Parliament struggled to find

ways to finance it. The Empire now had colonies in every corner of the world, and

although many of these colonies were self-sufficient, an Empire at war required an

immense amount of money for sustainability.

Campaigns existed in not only North

America and Europe, but also the Caribbean, India, Philippians, and parts of the African

coast. The war ended with the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1763, and Britain desired

to recover what had been lost or spent during the war.

Following the war, the American colonies did encounter some geographic

changes.

To the south, East and West Florida were added to the British Empire, as was

Ibid.

Dickerson, The Navigation Acts, 10-16.

Alan Taylor, American Colonies: The Settling of North America (New York: Penguin Books, 2001), 433.

The Treaty of Paris effectively removed the French military threat to the British in the American

colonies.

Quebec to the north. The French also conceded their claims east of the Mississippi,

including the Ohio Valley.

Colonists were anxious to begin to settle Indian lands west

of the Appalachian Mountains. King George III intended to preserve peace in North

America, and established the Proclamation of 1763, prohibiting the settling of these

lands.

The British government was nearly bankrupt, could not afford another war, and

hoped to appease not only the Native population but also its new French-Canadian

subjects and French and Spanish sympathizers.

The British government began laying out ideas to generate revenue to rebuild its

Army, Navy, and replenish the treasury. With the addition of new land in North

America, Great Britain was confronted with an additional liability. Great Britain had

spent a large sum of money fighting a war and acquiring new lands but now had to ensure

it proved profitable enough to justify British protection and continued contributions to the

success of the Empire. With the additional claims in Canada, Florida, and the Mississippi

Valley, the Empire acquired new costs. These lands proved to be a great addition to the

Empire but a long-term investment, part of which, the British felt lay upon the shoulders

of those living in the American Colonies.

In the Americas, there were dated laws in place that were intended to collect

taxes, but most were not enforced. Some were outdated while others were littered with

loopholes. Prior to the American Stamp Act, collecting duties in America had proved

less than fruitful, and the colonies continued to operate without British trade regulation

Taylor, American Colonies, 432.

Extract of King George III’s Proclamation of 1763.

Taylor, American Colonies, 433.

Robert Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 55.

oversight.

Earlier in the eighteenth century, the British had enacted some regulations,

such as the Molasses Act of 1733, to protect interests and not necessarily to raise

revenue.

By taxing molasses imported into the Americas from non-British colonies, it

effectively made British goods cheaper, which in turn encouraged their sale over non-

British molasses. Americans primarily ignored or avoided the act through bribes or

intimidation to customs officials.

There is a definite correlation between taxation and regulation which the British

government failed to capitalize on due to their inability to manage trade in North America

for the thirty years following the Molasses Act. Due to British regulations, American

smugglers went out of their way to transport molasses from the French and Dutch West

Indies to avoid empirical overhead. American justification for smuggling was due to the

growing industries found in North America.

Distilleries in New York and New England

required molasses in the production of rum and avoiding regulation proved more

lucrative. New York farming demanded constant deliveries of grain to feed cattle, while

lumber, barrel staves, horses, and other American produced products could not rely solely

on the British West Indies markets. Simply, regulation was not realistic with what the

British Empire was producing, and for American industry growth to continue, colonists

pursued trade with non-British ports in the Caribbean, primarily in exchange for

molasses. As Robert Middlekauff ties it to conflict, “War usually warps normal

Ibid., 59.

Albert Southwick, “The Molasses Act,” William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 3 (Jul., 1951), 389-

391.

Ibid., 394.

Ibid.

standards and practices, and so far as trade was concerned, normality entailed breaking

the law.”

British officials knew the Molasses Act was mostly ineffective but were willing to

revisit it once again. Parliament wrote and passed the Sugar Act of 1764 borrowing upon

the previously failed Molasses Act. Initially, six pence per gallon duty was required, but

in an apparent move to avoid highlighting the Act, the British levied only half the

previous amount. However, duties were to be charged on all molasses and sugar,

regardless of origin, and strictly enforced. The Sugar Act also included a tax on coffee,

cloth, and silk.

British officials took the collection of this tax much more seriously, and

with it, significant expansions of the customs service were required. At last, a tax in

place to raise revenue was levied on America.

It was with this Act that provoked the

real question of taxation without representation.

In addition, Parliament passed the Currency Act of 1764 prohibiting the colonies

from printing and utilizing paper money. Americans were to pay British taxes and inter-

colonial commerce by approved means and not colonial issued paper notes.

Because

much of what the American colonies produced was exported from the continent, there

was a constant fluctuation of legitimate British coinage and credit, further challenging

transactions with British currency. Inflation was a legitimate concern as the colonial

money lacked backing from a government body or precious metals such as gold or

silver.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 59.

Spencer Tucker, James Arnold, and Roberta Wiener, The Encyclopedia of North American Colonial

Conflicts to 1775, (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2008), 691-692.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 27.

Jack Greene, “The Currency Act of 1764 in Metropolitan Imperial-Colonial Relations 1764-1776,”

William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 18, No. 4 (Oct., 1961), 429-463.

Morgan, The Stamp Act, 31.

Not only was there a tax on luxuries such as sugar and molasses, coffee, cloth,

and silk, but colonial printed currency was no longer viewed as a legitimate form of

payment. Fears of returning to a barter system within the colonies frightened many

merchants. According to revolutionary historian Gordon Wood, “No American

attempted to argue that the demands of the internal market alone were capable of

upholding the value of paper money.” Wood continues, “It would take the Revolutionary

War and further experience with the issue of paper money before Americans would begin

to see the significance of their domestic market and its dependence on paper currency."

America possessed a strong argument for repeal of the Currency Act. The

colonies’ most important criticisms were rooted in the fact that the American market

supported a large part of English industry, while trade conducted inside the colonies

made the utilization of British currency very difficult. If the American system were to

fail, the British economy would suffer a significant blow. The Sugar and Currency Acts

were officially to be regulations of trade, not revenue measures. However, the American

colonies viewed them as both.

They restricted the types of commodities that Americans

could purchase, levied a tax on those items, and forced them to be paid with a currency

that was often not available. Why they did not have the impact the American Stamp Act

did is unknown, but the unrest these two Acts provoked is apparent.

Taxation with virtual representation and colonial rights were, at this point, on the

minds of many of those living in North America and the political effects of these acts are

Gordon Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), 141-

142.

Ibid., 32.

important, leading up to the Stamp Act crisis.

Imperial revenue was gradually

transformed into a constitutional issue, and during the 1760's, Americans could not raise

money without elevating a host of issues, namely economic, legal, and political.

Colonial legislatures had begun to voice their concerns to British Parliament while

demanding a voice for their economic well-being. As the lines between politics, taxation,

and constitutional rights blurred, the probability a peaceful resolution became less

likely.

These acts further illustrate failed British attempts to understand and act with

colonial interests in mind.

The American Stamp Act

In the spring of 1763, George Grenville assumed the post of British Prime

Minister. The British government had incurred a significant amount of debt during the

Seven Years War, and upon acceptance of his post, Grenville's most pressing charge was

to analyze and repair British finances.

Grenville appeared willing to entertain

objections or alternatives to the American Stamp Act for the colonies. However, he

refused outright colonial grievances against Britain’s right to levy taxes.

The act was

written and ready for British implementation, but after the rise in tension the Sugar Act

placed on the relationship between the colonies and Great Britain, its execution was slow.

Massachusetts and Virginia even wrote to their agents across the Atlantic that it appeared

Greene, The Currency Act, 463.

William Willcox and Walter Arnstein, The Age of Aristocracy: 1688 to 1830 (Lexington, MA: Heath and

Company, 1992), 162.

Ibid.

Greene, The Currency Act, 463.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 23.

Ibid.

the colonies might have the opportunity to levy their version of taxes, so long as Britain

received proper compensation for their North American garrisons and post-war

contributions.

The colonies offered no alternatives to Grenville’s proposal.

From 1680 through the later part of the 18

century, most of the King's ministers

cared little about America and relied upon the expertise of others. In fact, until 1768, no

single member of the Colonial Office was charged with American affairs.

Thomas

Whately, a subordinate of Grenville and loyal to his office, drafted the stamp bill.

Viewed as a close aide to Grenville, Whatley was marginally qualified to draft such

legislation and called upon the assistance of other offices within British parliamentary

system. In an attempt to keep tensions low, he was proactive about notifying colonists

about the intention to pass a stamp bill and wrote many within the colonies.

One of

these individuals was Jared Ingersoll, a loyalist to the crown living in Connecticut.

Ingersoll’s response was not what Grenville and Whately expected. Ingersoll wrote in

July 1764, the minds of the Americans “are filled with the most dreadful apprehensions

from such steps taking place, from whence I leave you to guess how easily a tax of that

kind would be Collected; tis difficult to say how many ways could be invented to avoid

the payment of a tax laid upon a County without the Consent of the Legislature of that

Country and in opinion of most of the people Contrary to the foundation principles of

their natural and Constitutional rights and Liberties.”

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 71.

Willcox and Arnstein, The Age of Aristocracy, 160.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 64.

Ibid., 57.

Ingersoll would later assume the post of head distributor for the colony of Connecticut.

Ingersoll, Mr. Ingersoll’s Letters Relating to the Stamp Act, 2-3, 5.

Whatley was a firm proponent of virtual representation. He believed although the

colonist had no voting representatives in parliament present, Americans were afforded

representation due to their affiliation with the British Empire.

To further his argument,

most British males were not technically represented due to the requirement to own

property made even them represented by proxy to the Empire.

Virtual representation

expanded to every place the British flag was flown, and many Englishmen shared

Whately’s opinion. Whatley wrote to Ingersoll in Connecticut with concerns on the

consequences of such an enforced bill. “If the King should fix the proportion of our

Duty, we all say we will do our parts in the Common Cause, but if the Parliament once

interpose and Lay a tax, tho; it may be a very moderate one… what Consequences may,

or rather may not, follow?”

Regardless of affiliation or motivation, Americans continually warned British

drafting agents that they would likely reject such legislation and a stamp tax would not be

well received.

Most eighteenth-century Americans did not have an issue with

supporting the growing British Empire. After all, they were British. They were willing

to pay taxes, but the sampling of corresponding agents repeated a simple fact: Americans

preferred to levy and collect taxes with methods they had established without

Parliamentary intervention.

By examining the number of continental stamps assigned to different American

colonies, the New York trade and shipping industry was a significant focus of the Stamp

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 81.

Ibid.

Ingersoll to Whately, July 6, 1764.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 83.

Unknown Author, Considerations Upon the Rights of the Colonists to the Privileges of British Subjects.

Act.

In a sworn statement published in 1772, the names of all distributors, the value of

the stamped paper consigned to each, and the returns received are available.

The most

significant consignments of stamped paper went to the colonies with the most active

shipping ports with the expectations they yield the highest returns. The continent stamps

were consigned as follows: New York, £12,934; Massachusetts, £12,413; Pennsylvania,

£11,852; South Carolina, £10,818; and Virginia, £9,684, a total of £57,701, or 47.5

percent of the value of all stamped paper consigned to the continental colonies.

The

shipping industry was directly targeted and the colony of New York the most

encumbered.

Once approved by the King, the American Stamp Act was to be enacted. During

the beginning of April, news of the Stamp Act had arrived on the shores of the Americas,

through boroughs of New York, and trickled upstate and into the Niagara Frontier, but

ignored for some time. Its implementation and American response were slow, in part due

to the lack of press it received, but its process and tactics were something unseen in the

Americas before.

Implementation and Collection

The implementation of the Stamp Act was not an overnight process. In fact, how

the tax would be instituted and collected were questions even Grenville could not answer

in Parliament.

As King George III’s first minister and head of the treasury, George

Dickerson, The Navigation Acts, 192.

Ibid.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 37-40.

Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, 115-117.

Grenville was responsible for assisting the crown in establishing a post Seven Years War

financial plan while maintaining its empirical status as the most powerful nation in the

world.

The year before its passage, Grenville began to consider such an Act and assigned

two aids to begin writing such legislation. Several proposals were drafted and presented

to him in September and October of 1763 but were found to be unsatisfactory.

Grenville sought to ensure whatever proposal he presented to Parliament would be

accepted. No doubt, this would not be a popular enactment in the Americas. Members of

Parliament were anxious to author such legislation due to the possible backlash in

America and feared it likely very unpopular with their colonial subordinates.

There was a certain way around this, however. If Parliament were to assert its

authority to collect a stamp duty through a resolution, its expansion of the right to levy

would not be limited to parcels of paper and legal documents. Grenville put forth this

resolution for Parliamentary consideration and asked for blanket approval to tax the

colonies anyway they saw fit. With this blanket approval, Grenville would see little

opposition, as it was virtually what set into the place the authority for Parliament to tax

the colonies through multiple different means, even after the Stamp Act’s repeal.

Americans did have some support in Parliament due primarily to their heavy

dealings with the British economy. English merchants trading to America voiced their

uneasiness regarding the conflict and shared these concerns with their agents both in

Ibid., 53, 70-72.

Morgan, 54.

Ibid.

America and the British government.

However, Grenville thought if he could place

blame on the colonies and convince the voting members of Congress America had failed

to come to the assistance of the British Empire during a time of financial need and fund

their defense. Once he received an approved resolution, Grenville was able to author the

Stamp Act while receiving little British opposition from those concerned with the

Parliamentary-colonial relationship due to the unpopular colonial opposition over

taxation.

As mentioned previously, the American Colonies had the prerogative to levy

taxes, as they needed in the past. Some colonies had collected their own taxes to be

utilized internally, within the colonies, while others had not. Grenville sought to protect

collection practices and implementation by placing these tasks into British hands while

avoiding reliance on its American agents. This added an additional layer of his Stamp

Act worthy of analysis. Had members of Parliament understood the full extent of just

how Britain would levy this tax, it may have concerned even more of them.

There are no official accounts from Grenville on his intentions or reasoning

behind the Stamp Act’s postponement.

There are, however, accounts written just after

Grenville’s Parliamentary proposals and some years later. According to historian

Edmund S. Morgan, some of the later accounts were written to mislead anyone who

wished to understand Grenville's motives purposely.

Those later accounts were in some

cases from America’s agents who reportedly supported such an act but felt they might be

Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, 73.

Bernhard Knollenberg, Origin of the American Revolution (New York: Free Press, 1960), 223.

Ibid., 55-59

Morgan, “The Postponement of the Stamp Act,” The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 7,

No. 3 (Jul., 1950), 355.

viewed negatively by their constituents in America.

Other accounts called for the delay of the Stamp Act as Grenville had previously

offered. The unknown factor is Grenville’s intentions. Was it to afford the American

colonies the opportunity to offer their own resolutions on the best means of collecting a

tax to support its military protection and the post-war British Empire? The other opinion

that historians often claim is that Grenville did not have enough information to draft and

commission the tax Parliament had employed his office to write.

New York and Massachusetts had attempted to collect taxes through similar

means in the past, and the American agents in Britain felt even the talk of a Stamp Act

would be met with opposition. In 1755, six months after Massachusetts had passed its

stamp duty, New York followed its lead. In an effort to raise money to fund defense,

New York introduced various proposals, including a poll tax on each slave, an excise tax

on tea, and a stamp duty. Lieutenant Governor of New York, James De Lancey, sensed

British Parliament would later impose a stamp duty that would not impact one social

group primarily, but all of New York.

In a preemptive attempt to beat the British to

such a duty, New York placed the levy into law in 1756.

Those associated with the

newspaper industry viewed the tax negatively and a burden on business as it was much

more difficult to compete with those in neighboring colonies.

The colonial tax was law

just four years in New York and not renewed.

Before this time, the colonies collected taxes, except those used to regulate trade,

Ibid.

Ibid., 358.

Thompson, “Massachusetts and New York Stamp Acts,” 253-258.

Ibid.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 178-179.

and then paid to the British treasury.

With this new proposal, the colonists would now

pay duties directly to the treasury. It should be clear; Grenville was not explicitly

committed to a Stamp Act, but more concerned with effective means to raising revenue.

The Revenue Act of 1764, commonly termed the Sugar Act, did not have the

response the British treasury had intended. It did lower the amount it collected in

comparison to its earlier version but still failed to reimburse the British Army for the

10,000 troops garrisoned within the colonies. After consideration from Grenville, his

agents, and even representatives of the colonies in England, he felt a stamp duty offered

several advantages over other duties that had been attempted or considered.

According to an account by an individual present during Grenville’s offering of

the Stamp Act legislation to British Parliament, it “required the fewest [customs] officers,

and was attended with the least Expense in the Collecting of it.” The unnamed individual

continues in writing to his brother in Massachusetts saying, "That therefore, tho he

doubted not but that the Colonies would wish rather have no tax at all; yet as the

necessities of Government rendered it an indispensable duty, he should certainly bring

such a Bill. In the meantime, he should leave it to each province to signify their Assent

to such a Bill in General; or their requests about any particular modification of it as they

should think fit.”

Another account from William Knox, agent for Georgia, also echoed what other

agents had written. Knox wrote that Grenville had appeared to be in no rush to hurry

legislation without offering the colonies the opportunity to counter proposals. Knox

Morgan, “The Postponement of the Stamp Act,” 358.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 23-24.

Morgan, “The Postponement of the Stamp Act,” 358.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 27.

stated in his 1765 pamphlet, The Claim to the Colonies to an Exemption from Internal

Taxes by Act of Parliament Considered, “He [Grenville] told them further, that if the

colonies thought any other mode of taxation more convenient to them, and made any

proposition which should carry the appearance of equal efficacy with a stamp duty, he

[Grenville] would give it all due consideration.”

These accounts were taken in May of 1764, nearly a year before a stamp duty was

to be implemented. They appeared to show Grenville's willingness to work with colonial

representatives, but as they drew closer to implementation, productive correspondence

began to disintegrate.

For colonial legislatures, the option to implement duties in place

of an established levy from the British government was nearly impossible. To compound

the problem, after the Seven Years War, British North America had changed

dramatically, and there were few official channels for Grenville or even the British

government to work through to communicate with all colonial assemblies on a large

scale. Colonial governments were set up, and beyond trade, many worked autonomously

from one another. Managing the segmented parts of the continent proved difficult for

official correspondence by the British government difficult to both communicate and

implement official matters. In all likelihood, the British government felt it much easier to

offer the Americas a role in participating in legislation that directly affected them, but

only to save face, and gave their considerations little thought.

Several more times in 1764, Grenville presented a Stamp Act to British

Parliament for future consideration while various drafts were being written and details

William Knox, The Claim of the Colonies (London: W. Johnston, 1765), 31-33.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 61-67.

Ibid.

worked out in regards to execution, collection, and allocation. New York and six other

colonies sent messages to their agents in England, and later four of those seven (including

New York) petitioned the King and Parliament in regards to the impending stamp duty.

However, no inter-colonial messages or petitions were dispatched. For such a message to

be drafted and delivered, a colonial body would have to have been formed. Had this

occurred, such a body would need to be sanctioned by the British government.

Would

the British government even approve such a body, knowing the possible consequences it

may have on its control over its American subordinates? New York and Massachusetts,

amongst others, formed regional relationships over their mutual concerns and

intercolonial interests. By the end of 1764, the lower houses of eight other colonies had

approved resolutions denouncing the Stamp Act and rejecting Parliament's right to tax the

Americans for revenue. Not until the Stamp Act Congress, composed of nine colonies,

had convened had there been an official colonial body formed in response to the

controversy surrounding the Stamp Act to discuss its repercussions.

Morgan assessed the overall mood shared throughout the colonies by analyzing

correspondence between Grenville, his office, British Parliament, and the King. “These

messages and petitions varied considerably in tone: some emphasized the economic

distress of the colonies, some the willingness of the colonies to contribute to the British

Treasury if requested to do so in a regular constitutional manner, but none admitted that

Parliament had a right to levy the proposed tax and most of them vigorously asserted that

Parliament had no such right."

Morgan, “The Postponement of the Stamp Act,” 370.

Ibid., 373.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 83.

Morgan, “The Postponement of the Stamp Act,” 373.

As 1764 passed, relations between the colonies and Parliament worsened under

the threat of impending legislation. With petitions and apparent disagreement over the

right to tax the colonies, talk within Parliament of passing the Stamp Act existed merely

to demonstrate its power and ability. Even in his offerings for the colonies to collect their

own taxes to support the British Armed Forces in America, Grenville never indicated the

amount each colony would be responsible for raising.

In the early days of February 1765, the passage of the Stamp Act began to move

very quickly while Parliament had begun to refuse American petitions due to the contrary

and anti-British undertones. By mid-month after two presentations to Parliament, Great

Britain passed the American Stamp Act, which was later confirmed by the King on

March 22

, 1765.

Its implementation and impact would have an unforeseeable impact

on relations between the American colonies and the Imperial government in the coming

years.

Several things should be asserted about Grenville's apparent intentions in his

offerings to the colonies. Grenville appeared to have concerns regarding the colonial

input and gave them first the option to propose their own legislation in a Parliamentary

address in 1764.

Additionally, he alluded to offering colonial empowerment to collect

the proposed levy through their assemblies. After this offering, he began to prepare his

Stamp Act with no colonial input. Grenville’s agent, Thomas Whately, was entrusted

with preparing his Stamp Act and contacting colonial representatives, knowing

Ibid., 369.

Ibid.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 76.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 56-57.

Americans would likely not propose a tax themselves.

Of course, different colonial assemblies confronted Grenville and Whately with

opposition. However, petitions affording colonial representatives the opportunity to

present the American argument when conferring the Stamp Act from a resolution to law

was not offered.

This action further showed Grenville’s lack of interest in genuinely

considering the colonial positions and their lack of participation in raising revenue for the

British treasury and support for the troops garrisoned in North America.

At a time when Great Britain stood victorious after years of war but encumbered

with a striking amount of debt, how would it ensure the colonies shouldered the burden of

their defense?

Was the Crown justified forcing the American participation into a shared

financial burden over its protection and the further expansion of the British Empire?

With the Stamp Act, colonists found themselves facing legislation that would tax them

without consent for revenue to fund their defense.

Grenville and his administration were unsure the best practice to implement the

Currency Act in North America and the distribution of the tax. In addition, because of its

negative press in the Americas, the treasury and excise divisions would not receive

positive input or suggestion on the most advantageous methods of collection.

“The

Stamp Act crisis represent[ed] an important episode in tax history. It highlights the

difficulties in imposing an imperial tax across the globe at a time when communication

Ibid.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 73.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 73.

Ibid., 54.

Ibid., 73.

Ibid.

mechanisms meant significant delays in relaying information between the center in

Britain and the periphery in the colonies.”

Stamp duties were something the citizens of

Great Britain had seen since the late 17

century, and it was not unrealistic to consider it

might be successful abroad to support the Empire. However, to implement the Stamp Act

in the colonies, a reorganization of how Great Britain viewed and collected duties in the

colonies required examination.

Previously, laws concerning trade were relatively lax. American colonists had

taken advantage of their proximity to the Caribbean and traded with Britain’s enemies for

many years without censure. Merchants forged maritime documents and avoided the

British Navy virtually unencumbered to conduct business while avoiding taxes

altogether.

The colonial shipping industries conducted business primarily on credit

requiring paper documentation to protect both the merchants and creditors.

Every such

paper would require a stamp. The British felt stricter trade enforcement would secure its

holdings in the Americas while also providing revenue simultaneously.

The proposed

Stamp Act would not only do these things but also streamline the process of

documentation throughout the inter-colonial network and international trade.

To maximize revenue through the internal tax, requirements for enhanced record

keeping would necessitate implementation.

In doing this, the Empire ensured a much

closer eye on its North American subordinates. In addition, the Act funded British troops

Lynne Oats and Pauline Sadler, “Accounting for the Stamp Act Crisis,” The Accounting Historians

Journal, Vol. 35, No. 2 (2008), 106.

Ibid.

Dickerson, The Navigation Acts, 193.

Ibid.

Ibid., 191.

Ibid.

Oats and Sadler, “Accounting for the Stamp Act Crisis,” 106.

that would enforce parliamentary policies under the assumption they were garrisoned for

colonial protection.

If implemented and enforced correctly, the Currency Act was a

brilliant idea, but the logistics of such an Act proved difficult.

A Stamp Duty is significant in that its effect would not be limited to one group

but spread through all castes of society. Passports, liquor licenses, playing cards, ships'

papers, insurance policies, almanacs, newspapers, and pamphlets were all required to

bear a stamp.

It required cooperation not only from mariners, merchants, and lawyers,

but any individual who did work with these individuals. Additionally, this made

implementation and collection practices difficult. To some, it appeared more attractive as

“the individual burden was… lower than the more targeted forms of tax aimed at the

wealthy alone, such as land tax[es] in Britain and slave taxes in the colonies.”

To avoid

the Stamp Act was nearly impossible unless an individual was utterly self-sufficient.

During a time when self-governance was at the forefront of the colonial mindset,

imperial involvement perplexed many English lawmakers.

The practices the British

crown used in the implementation of the American Stamp Act were likely the most

significant contributor to its failure. To enforce collection practices across the vast

Atlantic through eighteenth-century communication lines would have proved challenging

for any empire. Although the Act was short-lived, its impact was long felt and had a

major impact on the English-American relationship.

The cost of implementation was extremely complicated. The paper and stamps

Christopher Hibbert, Redcoats and Rebels (London: Grafton Books, 1990), xx.

Ibid., xix.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 76.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 294.

Ibid.

Britain would tax were, at least initially, to be manufactured in London and shipped to

the colonies for distribution.

The various types of paper and stamps, in combination

with the dyes and royal stamps representing different amounts proved difficult. The

British government viewed America as a single entity and appeared ignorant of the very

different economic statuses of the various regions and colonies.

Would parchment be

sent to one area of the colonies primarily while paper blanks and printing paper to

another? Was there to be an inventory on hand or might it be produced as needed in the

colonies? Did the crown need to establish warehouses both in London and the colonies

to provide the colonies with the necessary materials and how would the logistical cost be

absorbed through the levy?

100

In Europe, a stamp duty had been in place for quite some time, and most countries

had the ability to support it.

101

This may have been one of many motivating factors in

working towards instituting a stamp duty in North America, as the British had seen it

work throughout Europe. The sale of stamps for legal paper, bonds, playing cards, and

other items had been implemented in England during William III and proved seamless.

102

In the Americas, however, only three colonies had previously instituted stamp duties on

their own, and thus, had the equipment to support the production of such paper.

103

One

colony was New York. Without this equipment, England would force not only an

unwanted tax on its subordinate colonies but would also require the taxed to absorb the

procurement cost of such equipment. By keeping the production and warehousing of

Oats and Sadler, “Accounting for the Stamp Act Crisis,” 125.

Ibid.

100

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 73-76.

101

Oats and Sadler, “Accounting for the Stamp Act Crisis,” 108.

102

Charles Ritcheson, “Preparation of the Stamp Act,” The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 10, No. 4,

(Oct., 1953), 546.

103

Thompson, “Massachusetts and New York Stamp Acts,” 253-258.

taxed paper materials internal to England, it would also employ English workers, which

further heightened animosities with colonists. Had the colonies been able to serve in the

production, storage, and paid employment of a stamp duty, it may have been better

received.

104

For collection practices, Great Britain divided the colonies into nine districts, and

the American Stamp Office was established under five commissioners in London.

105

The

districts were then subdivided into smaller sub-districts and assigned a stamp distributor.

Eighteenth-century New York was an extremely busy place. Printing production was big

business within New York City, its harbor a constant entry and departure of mariners, and

manufacturing throughout the colony was consistently witnessing growth.

106

Great Britain assigned James McEvers to the colonial capital of New York as the

excise service distributor.

107

Of the twenty-three smaller districts, New York was a close

second in size only to Jamaica. The British Empire relied heavily on the Caribbean

market both in shipping and production of molasses, rum, and slaves.

108

Parliament

entrusted McEvers with the storage and distribution of stamped paper, levying and

enforcing the tax, and dispatching the collected funds to the Exchequer in Great Britain.

This British commission proved no small feat in the busiest colonial district in regards to

all things stamp related.

109

With his cooperation, the British government compensated McEvers eight percent

104

Ibid.

105

P.D.G. Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 100.

106

Ibid.

107

Also known as James McIvers in some texts.

108

Oats and Sadler, “Accounting for the Stamp Act Crisis,” 123.

109

Ibid.

commission of duties collected as well as expenses related to postage and official travel.

Having been responsible for the Hudson Valley, McEvers certainly had the opportunity

to do very well for himself if he had procured collections as legislation prescribed.

110

His

true loyalty to the Exchequer and British crown at the time of assuming his post is

unclear, however. In eighteenth-century America, men accepted various posts to promote

their name and position within society. Many men sought an opportunity to serve as

distributors, which further shows the issues that rose from the Stamp Act crisis had not

been accurately forecasted. McEvers was no different from these other men, yet later

found his position was much more dangerous than envisioned upon its acceptance.

111

As mentioned previously, remittance was to be made in the form of sterling.

However, whether the sterling was to be kept internal to fund the British Army within the

colonies or shipped back to the British Exchequer and then disturbed accordingly was to

be decided. Draining the already low stock of sterling was a serious concern of the

colonies and its economic impact and social reaction to the American Stamp Act.

112

The British representatives responsible for the collection of the tax put

complicated accounting mechanisms into place. After some debate, Parliament made the

decision the collected sterling would remain within the colonies and be paid directly to

the deputy paymaster of the army in America.

113

Additionally, they were responsible for

decisions regarding what accounts to British forces stationed in North America were paid

and its distribution methods. Allocations of the tax puzzled colonists, and although the

duties claimed to support the British Army, Americans felt Parliament appropriated the

110

Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, 94-95.

111

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 157-158.

112

Oats and Sadler, “Accounting for the Stamp Act Crisis,” 124.

113

Ibid.

funds however it deemed fit. If it were to fund British troops in North America, why

would it leave the continent? Once established that it would remain in North America,

did the British government intend to shift other resources to fool Americans? There

remained a significant distrust of British intentions surrounding the Act. Whether to fund

other aspects of the British government, pay for colonial defense, or to even entice

rebellion were the question many Americans began to ask of the duty.

114

Stamp duties had served as an effective collection strategy in England in the past,

but as tensions between colonials and the British Army continued to be strained, the

thought of funding their salaries and garrisons was difficult for Americans. Having

undergone the strain of the Sugar Act of 1764 which levied taxes on wines, sugar, and

coffee, the Currency Act of 1764 which had a significant impact on American currency,

and the Quartering Act of 175 which required food, lodging, and aid be provided to

British soldiers, the Stamp Act was, in colonial eyes, Britain's attempt to undermine their

growing economy, independence, and while funding the British Army.

Grenville, the Office of the Exchequer, British Parliament, and the Crown all had

their various rationales in support of a stamp duty as a fiscal instrument to opinions on

the methods of revenue collection from those living in the Americas. How Great Britain

would implement the duty and enforce collection practices was simply not a seamless

process. The accounting techniques used had previously worked in Europe, but the

dynamics seen in America were unlike anything Europeans had encountered.

115

The

enforcement and maintenance due to colonial pressure were turbulent, disorderly, and

114

Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge: The Kelnap Press of

Harvard University Press, 1967), 101.

115

Oats and Sadler, “Accounting for the Stamp Act Crisis,” 108-109.

chaotic. What stemmed from the Stamp Act catapulted America from relative social

order into near anarchy and set into motion its vehicle for independence.

116

Bailyn, The Ideological Origins, 101-102.

CHAPTER TWO: RESISTANCE THROUGH VIOLENCE

“Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the first had his Cromwell, and George the Third- may

profit from their example. If this be treason, make the most of it.”

-Patrick Henry, Speech in the House of Burgesses, May 29

, 1765

Violence as a Political Tool

The first protests against the Stamp Act took the form of pamphlets. Circulated

pamphlets had typically been the most popular way to object to legislation, parliament,

colonial government, or the British crown. They were published against and in defense

of the American Stamp Act, but these words did little for those impacted the most by the

tax. Affluent colonists educated in the arts, law, and philosophy, were the primary

authors of these pamphlets. Those pamphlets were typically adequate to generate a

variety of feelings and opinions simply, but little more. Communicating through

appropriate channels and writing pamphlets had worked in the past, but the Stamp Act

produced a new version of diplomacy: the mob.

Using violence as a political tool was not a new concept to American colonists.

Riots and mobs have served as important political tools throughout American history,

both before the 1760’s and the years following its independence. The first North

American settlements experienced violent uprisings, laborers, farmers, and slaves have

revolted against their masters and destroyed property, while most major cities witnessed

unrest.

All facets of American society have been subjected to violence as a political

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 76-77.

Gordon Wood, “A Note on Mobs in the American Revolution,” The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol.

23, No. 4, (Oct., 1966), 635.

Ibid.

tool, and it should not be surprising mob action would serve as a “necessary ingredient”

of revolutionary thought.

Having felt unrepresented and with the inception of the Stamp Act and its

corresponding duties authorized, lay people felt they had few options.

It was apparent

the British government would not entertain colonial interests and hold the empire’s

bottom line as its primary concern. Mobs during the Stamp Act crisis varied in intensity,

makeup, and intent regardless of size. However, what Americans shared was their

disdain toward the Act and explicit targeting of the customs officers who participated in

its collection.

Great Britain had spent much of the eighteenth century at war in multiple theatres,

but bloodshed between colonists and the British Army had been relatively absent. The

American colonies remained loosely affiliated and – except for trade – cooperation

between them had not been present.

To challenge the might of the greatest military

power on earth, by most accounts, would have been ill-advised. Instead, Americans

enjoyed the protection of the British government and had hoped to maintain their

arrangement. However, the duties collected through the Stamp Act would ensure

Americans would now participate in funding their protection.

Mass violence and mob activities, however, are the first examples of armed

resistance specific to the fight for American independence.

Gatherings of individuals

that exploded into violent mobs played a dominant role early on, years before the

Arthur Schlesinger, “Political Mobs and the American Revolution, 1765-1776,” Proceedings of the

American Philosophical Society, Vol. 99, No.. 4 (Aug., 1955), 244.

Wood, Radicalism of the American Revolution, 91.

Bridenbaugh, Cities in Revolt, 310.

Wood, Radicalism of the American Revolution, 65.

Morgan, The Birth of the Republic: 1763-1789 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1956), 20-21.

Continental Army marched onto the battlefield. "Mobs terrified the stamp agents into

resigning and forced a repeal of the tax. Mobs obstructed the execution of the

Townshend Revenue Act and backed up the boycotts of British trade. Mobs triggered the

Boston Massacre and later the famous Tea Party."

As seen in America, violence was

now the by-product of failed diplomacy.

Mobs began to scheme and gather once word of the Stamp Act reached American

port cities. Some were choreographed and others unrehearsed, but both kinds shared

intensity. Rural areas were not immune from organized resistance either, but most

occurred in urban areas. Cables of communication were slow outside cultural centers

such as Boston and New York City, but collection occurred in all areas of the colonies.

Mobs during both the Stamp Act crisis and in the greater context of the American

Revolution were important for several reasons. First, mobs conveyed what written words

simply could not, and highlighted the two-sided position that surrounded the ideas of

virtual representation and the rights of taxation. Second, mobs established a certain level

of fear among those who supported and defended Parliament’s actions and the agents

within American in support roles. Mobs made loyalists uneasy, and the once sought-after

position of an excise officer extremely dangerous. Last, it provided the opportunity for

any individual to become a hero and a name to be rallied around.

Often those

individuals lost their lives in mob-assisted opposition but brought the resistance to the

sailors, merchants, farmers, and the general person who suffered the clutch of the Stamp

Act.

Schlesinger, “Political Mobs,” 244.

Ibid.

The eighteenth-century colony of New York was unique due to its size and

makeup. New York City had become a major center of commerce, shipping, printing,

and manufacturing. Hundreds of miles to the west lay the Niagara frontier and in

between, production of textiles and raw materials, farming, mining, and trade expanded.

Although New York’s economy spanned across various industries, the colony shared the

burden of the Stamp tax.

New York had experimented with its own Stamp Act two

decades prior, but the temperature of its citizens regarding the now imposed British Act

was much different.

Organized Resistance in Upstate New York

Opposition to the Stamp Act in New York was not seen only in New York City.

The municipality, because of its size and importance, often overshadowed the rest of the

colony. However, in viewing the colony during the Stamp Act crisis, upstate New York

provides essential insight into the rural perception of the collection practices, mob

mentality, and impact on those living outside major cities.

Much of what happened in places such as Albany and western New York had

occurred in New York City already. Not only was New York City the center of New

York’s commerce, but also the capital city in 1765. The initial response from the Stamp

Act upstate was quiet until assemblymen returned to their constituency following its

passing by British Parliament.

Non-importation agreements were signed and both

Thompson, “Massachusetts and New York Stamp Acts,” 253.

New York had passed its Stamp Act in 1756 in order to raise revenue internally.

Beverly McAnear, “Albany Stamp Acts,” The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 4, No. 4,

(Oct., 1947), 486.

political parties within New York refused to support the Stamp Act.

Opposition in

western New York was not entirely unanimous but in locations like Albany, pockets of

dissent existed.

To rise from the depths of society and achieve greater status and notoriety, many

men sought a commission as an excise officer. In Albany, seven men had applied for the

position. When colonial politicians had returned to Albany and distributed information

on the now very unpopular Stamp Act, the applicants’ tone changed dramatically. “Four

[of the applicants], John Macaomb, William Gamble, John Stevenson and Philip Cuyler,

admitted applying for the position but promised never to serve in it. The other three, a

Mr. Hansen, Jacob Vanderheyden and Henry Van Schaack, denied ever having

applied.”

The fear of reprisal for accepting such a post was a harsh reality these

applicants faced. The Sons of Liberty had a dominant presence in Albany and demanded

the men sign agreements to refuse these posts if appointed.

The British Army had garrisoned troops throughout the colony of New York,

including Albany. If garrisons in Albany proved inadequate to afford protection to stamp

collectors, troops in New York City were within marching distance. Even with the

availability and under the protection of the British Army, constant harassment of customs

officials occurred across the colony. Prior to the November 1

, 1765 enactment date,

aggression towards collectors and supporters continued. “Illegal actions of the Son of

Liberty and the negligent conduct of the authorities demonstrated the unity of the

opposition to the Stamp Act, both as to purpose and as to methods.”

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 37-38.

McAnear, “Albany Stamp Acts,” 486.

Ibid.

Ibid., 489.

Mob actions across the colonies were typical in execution. Of these, burning

down the homes or properties of collectors often took place. Van Schaack wrote to the

law officers appointed by the British crown and the provincial attorney general detailing

individuals appearing to have been the instigators of the mob that torched his home. By

his account, Albany County representatives were responsible for organizing the mob,

naming 36 individuals having been involved in the torching of his home.

Whether Van

Schaack’s account is entirely accurate is debatable, but it indeed questions upstate

representatives and their participation with the mobs and Sons of Liberty.

Due to the nature of the Stamp Act and what it taxed, Albany and New York City

reacted differently than the rest of the colony for several reasons. Those living in rural

areas conducted most of its business through a barter system and in luxuries not typically

associated with items affected by the Stamp Act.

Troops garrisoned on the frontier

were much different from those in New York City as well. They wore the same British

uniform but occupied their posts due to the Indian threat and post-war relations with

French Canadians. Their secondary objective was the enforcement of commercial and

legislative matters.

The British troops garrisoned in western New York required

different operating procedures due to the distance from the primary colonial garrisons in

New York City.

Because of the differences, neither Albany nor New York garnered much support

from their rural neighbors.

According to historian Gary Nash, “… the backcountry

Ibid., 488.

Eugene Fingerhut and Joseph Tiedemann, The Other New York: The American Revolution Beyond New

York City, 1763-1787 (New York: SUNY Press, 2005), 7.

Ibid.

farmers believe[d] that those same charges applied to corrupt and exploitative fellow

colonists in their midst who controlled the courts, credit networks, and distribution of

land.”

Much of the land in New York was owned by a select group of aristocrats and

those who worked the land were tenant farmers, more concerned with their lease to

continue crop production than problems of politics seemingly affecting a higher caste of

society.

As Stamp Act hostilities grew in urban areas, British troops shifted from the

western part of the colony to the eastern seaboard. Before the Stamp Act, the British

Army had posted most of their New York garrisons in western New York to defend

against Native Americans while protecting British interests from uprisings of tenant

farmers.

Tensions in New York continued to rise as the British Army and General

Gage, commander of British forces in America, struggled to enforce the terms of the

Quartering Act (enacted in 1765) and a shift in forces required British forces to move out

of the Hudson Valley and into New York City.

Without a doubt, lawyers were involved in lease agreements between landowners

and tenants, and with that, legal documents generated would require to be stamped in

accordance with Parliamentary law but not in numbers seen throughout major cities

during the 1760’s. Although instrumental later in the War for American Independence,

upstate New York saw limited action directly related to the Stamp Act. However, the

Sons of Liberty had strong roots in the Hudson Valley, from Westchester County to

Nash, The Unknown American Revolution, 73.

Ibid.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 144.

Ibid.

Albany, due to the imposition of Stamp Act, and these will be addressed later in this

study.

Organized Resistance in New York City

The clear majority of Stamp Act related hostilities within the colony of New York

took place within the greater New York City area.

The city was growing rapidly and

due to its location between greater New England, the western frontier, and the middle and

southern states, it was an ideal location for nearly all types of trades and industries.

Because of the nature of the Stamp Act and the variety of individuals it affected, it was

not well-received and political parties, labor unions, skilled and unskilled workers, and

merchants all showed some degree of pushback once its implementation was enforced.

New York, in comparison to other metropolitan areas in New England, did maintain a

group of Tory loyalists but had become progressively more dangerous for an outspoken

supporter of royal policy.

The port in New York City had grown to be one of the busiest commerce centers

in North America during the late 18

century.

The growing volume of commerce

exchanged in New York City would now be regulated through stamp legislation and had

a sizable impact on the shipping, manufacturing, and maritime industries. Many New

York merchants banded together in economic opposition to the Stamp Act, primarily

Ibid.

McAnear, “The Albany Stamp Act Riots,” 486.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 42.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 168.

Virginia Harrington, “The Place of the Merchant in New York Colonial Life,” New York History, Vol.

13, No. 4, (Oct., 1932), 378.

through measures that did not harm or curb their business ventures.

As tensions in New York City rose, prominent merchants led and created non-

importation associations and committees of correspondence.

Most merchants saw little

harm in organized opposition to the stamp duty but as tensions became violent, many

neutral merchants pulled their support for fear they might lose their livelihood.

New

York City experienced a division of support in the 1760s when organized demonstrations

became mobs resulting in a division into conservative and radical parties.

Early

twentieth century historian Virginia Harrington describes the decision some New Yorkers

were forced to make with their support, “Many merchants, it is true, continued to stand

with the radicals— those who saw more clearly the danger to trade from British tax

action than the danger to private property from violence—but the majority stood with the

conservatives, opposing the acts of Parliament as specific measures, but even more

opposed to violent methods of all kinds and somewhat jealous also of the presumption of

the unenfranchised classes.”

Shipping during this period was the most profitable and sensible option to

transport goods, not only throughout the Atlantic World but also through other ports in

North America. Once the goods passed through colonial harbors, inland merchants and

shippers distributed the goods over land. No major road system or railroads existed yet

and seafarers were responsible for ensuring goods produced both in New England and

abroad reached their destinations across the world. Because of the amount of business

Ibid.

Knollenberg, Growth of the American Revolution, 200.

Ibid.

Harrington, “The Place of the Merchant,” 378.

and commerce located in New York City, captains and seaman often found themselves in

the port of New York.

The Royal Navy had a tradition of impressment— that is the kidnapping of sailors

and forcing them to serve in the British Navy or aboard ships flying the King’s flag.

This study is not focused on issues of impressment, but it should be noted sailors and

merchant marines had a particular distrust for the English and continued cynicism was

seen throughout the majority of the eighteenth century. Whether the Royal Navy or those

civilian agencies that cooperated with it directly or indirectly victimized American

sailors, colonists suffered from a deep-rooted distrust of the British crown and its Naval

Forces.

The New York Stamp Act riots, in and around the city, were organized and

orchestrated, in many instances, by sailors.

Port cities, such as New York, were filled

with idle sailors who had now found themselves unemployed. Many had served as

privateers during the war with France, and due to British regulation, now were out of

work and blamed new legislation and the Stamp Act specifically.

According to

Morgan, "Idle sailors were a problem in every port, but the bigger the port, the bigger the

problem."

The Stamp Act states clearance papers issued after November 1

would bear a

stamp, and in anticipation, sailors and merchants in New York City were on high alert in

October anticipating how customs officers would enforce it. If the customs officers

chose to comply with the law, and as royal officials, it was expected they would comply,

Jesse Lemisch, Jack Tar vs. John Bull: The Role of New York’s Seamen in Precipitating the Revolution

(New York: Yale University, 1997), 51.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 100.

Lemisch, Jack Tar vs. John Bull, 26-30.

Ibid., 28.

Ibid., 51-52.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 168.

what action did layman or even the colonial assemblies take? "The duties of customs

officers did not fall within their jurisdictions, and royal governors would certainly have

vetoed any orders from the assemblies which attempted to regulate matters beyond their

authority."

In October of 1765, merchants, sailors, and printers in opposition to the

impending Act began to post warnings and placards throughout the city collectively. On

October 24

, the stamps arrived by ship into the New York Harbor and were met with

placards warning, "The First Man that either distributes or makes use of Stampt Paper let

him take Care of his House, Person, and Effects. We dare. VOX POPULI. [Latin phrase

meaning voice of the people]”

Further study into various forms of print will be later

covered, but this is simply one example in the efforts individuals took as a collective to

ensure their voices were heard and how they intended to single out those who encouraged

the implementation, collection, or support of the quickly approaching enforceable

legislation.

On October 31

, the day prior to the Stamp Act effective date, undertones of

sorrow and rage were felt throughout New York City.

Many merchants agreed they

would avoid the importation of any English goods until Parliament repealed the Stamp

Act.

However, there were those loyal to the British crown or afraid to avoid the tax and

a unanimous movement was not present. A collection of merchants gathered at Burns’

Ibid., 126.

F. L. Engleman, “Cadwallader Colden and the New York Stamp Act Crisis,” The William and Mary

Quarterly, Vol. 10, No. 4, (Oct., 1953), 568.

Mercantile Library, New York During the American Revolution (New York: Mercantile Library

Association, 1861), 6.

Nash, The Unknown American Revolution, 54.

City Arms Tavern and resolved to import no more goods from the mother country while

the Stamp Act remained in force.

Even with the non-importation agreement between New York merchants, critics

were not satisfied. The city erupted into chaos when two thousand individuals from the

lower classes filled the streets and threatened the homes of British policy sympathizers.

In one of the most famous early examples of the mob’s actions during the war, the crowd

descended on Governor Cadwallader Colden’s estate.

The tactics these gangs used

varied. In this instance, they ransacked his house, marched an effigy in the likeness of

the Governor through the streets, and set his carriage ablaze. The mob moved as one

through New York City for four days, which was later called the “General Terror of

November 1-4.”

The middle-class Sons of Liberty orchestrated these four days of

protests and in some cases, incited violence on collectors, comptrollers, excise officers,

and even royal sympathizers.

The mariners living in or transiting through the city also had an opportunity to

organize. "The Sons of Neptune" as they called themselves posted flyers throughout the

city urging individuals to join their resistance movement, and on November 1

, 1765,

New York’s seaman left their ships at the docks and descended into Manhattan.

These

sailors hung placards throughout the city encouraging participation in the picketing and

storming of the city’s British garrison, Fort George. The mob shouted to Cadwallader

Mercantile Library, “New York During the American Revolution,” 6.

Nash, The Unknown American Revolution, 54-55.

Ibid., 55.

Ibid.

George Bancroft, History of the United States of America (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard

University Press, 1967), 161.

through the walls of the barracks calling him, “The Chief Murderer of their Rights and

Privileges” and “taunted the guards to fire, hurled bricks, stones, and garbage, paraded an

effigy of the governor in his actual coach, which they had seized from his carriage house,

and finally convinced the governor to hand over bundles of the hated stamps.”

Throughout the remainder of the month, contending groups continued to harass

those willing to risk their property, reputation, or even lives in royal services associated

with collecting or distributing stamps in the different boroughs of New York City.

During November of 1765, the New York Gazette reported, “a crowd surround[ed] the

home of a suspected stamp distributor and defac[ed] his house, destroy[ed] some

furniture in it, and draw[ed] his winter carriages thro’ the streets in flames.”

By the end

of November, the mobs had flushed out nearly all officers commissioned to distribute

stamps in New York City.

Britain had achieved something it had not intended in 1765 with the passage of

the Stamp Act: the unintentional creation of a loose network of colonies and people that

shared a common enemy and were forced to become closer than they ever had in the

past.

In the coming years, there were evident growing pains due to America’s unique

geography, developing economies, melting pot like diversities, and social differences.

However, Americans shared the economic implications of the Stamp Act across all social

lines. New Yorkers, whether city dwellers or rural farmers, shouldered a shared burden

Nash, Unknown American Revolution, 55.

Edward Countryman, A People in Revolution: The American Revolution and Political Society in New

York: 1760-1790 (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1981), 39.

Ibid., 55.

Nash, Unknown American Revolution, 59.

and American colonists had begun to view themselves as American citizens.

Americans

who had not previously been heard now had a voice, and by the conclusion of 1765, those

who took to the streets had stunned, intimidated, and terrified those who continued to

remain loyal to British Parliament and Crown.

Colonial grievances had finally culminated into an articulated response, what they

believed, as Great Britain's attempt to undermined their economic strength and

independence. New York City remained one of the pillars of organized resistance during

both the Stamp Act crisis and the American Revolution. Other colonies looked to

colonial leaders in New York City for the best methods of opposition and organization.

The Committee of Correspondence, formed on October 31

, 1765 at Burns' City Arms

Tavern, days before the Stamp Act's implementation, offered passion, guidance, and

energy to other cities and colonies on resistance to the Act and the way forward for

America.

Morgan, “Colonial Ideas of Parliamentary Power, 1764-1766,” The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 5,

No. 3 (Jul., 1948), 318-326.

Clarence Carter, Thomas Gage to Henry Conway, 23 September 1765, 67.

Mercantile Library Association, New York City, 41-42.

CHAPTER THREE: RESISTANCE THROUGH PRINT

“The records of thirteen legislatures, the pamphlets, newspapers in all the colonies,

ought to be consulted during that period to ascertain the steps by which the public

opinion was enlightened and informed concerning the authority of Parliament over the

colonies.”

-John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 1815

Pamphlets

The written word has been used to counter arguments throughout history and the

revolutionary period in American continued this tradition. Both Americans and

Europeans utilized every medium possible to state their opinions and with the

proliferation of the printing press, their audience was nearly unlimited. One of the most

effective mediums of the eighteenth century was the pamphlet.

“These small, loosely

stitched and unbound booklets contained some of the most important and characteristic

writings during the American Revolutionary period.”

The pamphlets have always maintained obvious differences from colonial

newspapers. Typically, they reflected one individual’s thoughts and may express

discontent. They did not need to appeal to the masses like newspapers must and could

allow either a single edition or a series of offerings. Because of these properties and the

tendencies to be very passionate in their message, pamphlets functioned as the perfect

mouthpiece for dissatisfaction throughout colonial America.

According to Bailyn, pamphlets were “highly flexible, easy to manufacture,

Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 2.

Ibid.

cheap, [and] were printed in the American colonies wherever there were printing presses,

intellectual ambitions, and political concerns.”

It is difficult to determine how many

pamphlets Americans produced before and during the American Revolution, but

estimates range from 530 to 1,500.

However, the Stamp Act set into motion the first

wave of pamphlets North America witnessed in the eighteenth century.

Until the invention of the radio, print was the typical vehicle to spread propaganda

and the press became very effective in its use. From the sixteenth to the eighteenth

century, the pamphlet was the chief instrument to carry one's ideas to the public. The

pamphlet, forerunner of the newspaper, was adapted into many forms and uses and due to

its small size, cheap cost, and portability, it could reach "a larger audience than the orator

in the House of Commons."

Even after the mass production and later acceptance of the

newspaper, pamphlet style writing was published in editorials but carried its grassroots

message.

American political thought shares roots with these short works. Often pamphlets

would be written and distributed only to inspire a response, rebuttal, or counter-argument

pamphlet.

To author a pamphlet or broadside, one did not need to come from the elite

class, practice law, or make a living by writing. Early American pamphleteers were the

original American historians, originating from all societal castes and occupations, and

collectively shared an impact on constitutional thought on the eve of American

Independence.

Ibid., 4.

Ibid., 9; Homer Calkin, “Pamphlets and Public Opinion During the American Revolution,” The

Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 64, No. 1, (Jan., 1940), 23.

Ibid., 22.

Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 4-5.

Americans were not the only authors of pamphlets concerning the subject of

taxation. The citizens and government of Great Britain also participated in producing a

small number of pamphlets related to issues over the opposition and defense of their

stamp duty.

However, most of the pamphlets originating during this period emanated

from the colonies. Following the Stamp Act crisis until late 1774 and early 1775, British

loyalists had dismissed the tax opposition movement as unimportant while viewing their

protests and constitutional disputes as not worthy of the effort of refutation.

Many pamphleteers did not claim authorship of their work. In fact, many

Americans believed Grenville himself either published or commissioned the writing of a

pro-tax pamphlet entitled The Regulations Lately Made concerning the Colonies and the

Taxes Imposed upon Them, considered.

Authors would either assume pseudonyms or

claim the works they had commissioned. Thomas Whately, the author of the Stamp Act,

was likely the author of the pro-tax pamphlet and was written to represent Grenville’s

views on the matter in an effort to curb American opinion.

The opinions on the Stamp Act in New York City were as diverse as the makeup

of its inhabitants. Some of these citizens seized the opportunity to publish their opinions

in pamphlets of their opinions of Grenville, the right for Parliament to impose an external

tax while they did not possess physical representation in England, and the practices of

officers within the British customs office. New York elites also utilized pseudonyms and

published works by printers and booksellers and the pamphlets represented the lifeblood

Ibid.

Robert Parkinson, “Print, the Press, and the American Revolution,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of

American History (2015), 3.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 79.

Ibid.

of American public opinion and resistance during the American Revolution.

Early American pamphlets played a substantial impact during the decade before

the Declaration of Independence due to the unpopular actions of the British government.

The numbers of produced and manufactured pamphlets had substantially risen indicating

both their popularity and effectiveness. Although the numbers are not as extraordinary as

they would become later such as Thomas Paine’s Common Sense (100,000 copies sold in

the first three months, and about 500,000 altogether), their importance is worthy of

discussion.

Without the early revolutionary thought-provoking events surrounding the

Stamp Act, pamphleteering may have proven less effective when its results were much

more important during the later years of the 1760's and 1770's.

Placards and Broadsides

Placards and broadsides also served an essential role in the printed opposition of

the Stamp Act. Similar to pamphlets, broadsides or placards had been used for many

years as an effective way to broadcast an opinion on a subject matter that would reach the

masses. Many of these placards have likely been lost, destroyed, or simply did not

survive the test of time and are difficult to analyze. Both pamphlets and placards were

significant as they highlighted the expansion of intellectual and political thought in

America while also exhibiting the evolution of revolutionary philosophy before and

during the American Revolution.

Parkinson, “Print, the Press,” 1.

Calkin, “Pamphlets and Public Opinion,” 27.

Moncure Conway, The Life of Thomas Paine with a History of His Literary, Political, and Religious

Career in America, France, and England (New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1892), 69.

Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 21.

The one-sheet broadsides that appeared in 18

century American cities were the

most important communication avenue to keep colonists informed of local events and in

some cases, hundreds of miles away.

Because they were inexpensive to produce and

distribution methods were simple, placards quickly became the most effective way to

quickly educate the masses on distrust and discontent surrounding the Stamp Act and

British government. The reaction time colonist required to write, produce, and distribute

placards following the events of their subject matter was also impressive.

The Stamp Act Congress, meeting from Oct 7

to Oct 24

, 1765, encouraged the

citizens of New York City to act. The initial reaction from the American body was

temperate and respectful.

However, the subsequent response to the impending

implementation of the Stamp Act on Nov 1

was one that began to simmer. On Oct 22

the Stamps arrived in New York City Harbor on the HMS Edward and escorted by the

frigates Coventry and Garland.

As the British ships settled into the harbor to unload

British approved stamps, placards appeared throughout New York City announcing the

popular determination to reject the duty and threatened violence against any of those who

attempted to distribute or enforce the stamps.

The use of placards and broadsides is an important point of liberal thought in

American history, both within the colony of New York and elsewhere. As colonists

began to think and write as Americans, placards and broadsides were their mouthpieces.

Those opinions unquestionably had an impact in the future of American philosophy as

they became the easiest and most cost-effective way to not only share opinions but

Parkinson, “Print, the Press,” 1.

Engelman, “Cadwallader Colden,” 568.

Ibid.

developed into the preferred method to inform citizens of time-sensitive events that

required anonymous reporting.

Anti-stamp act rhetoric was not the only use of these single page reports. As print

became more acceptable and affordable, so did the diversity of opinions Americans wrote

and distributed. Additionally, there were three dozen newspaper printers in the American

mainland colonies at the start of the Revolution, each producing a four-page issue every

week.

These weekly papers, or one-sheet broadsides that appeared in American cities

even more frequently, were the most important communication avenue to keep colonists

informed of events occurring hundreds of miles away.

Placards and broadsides continued to grow in popularity for another reason;

distribution methods did not require costly overhead and the evasion of stamp duties was

much more simplistic. Newspapers reached a wide range of individuals but the

distribution methods required for a successful title necessitated the confrontation of

excise officials. Affordable print became increasingly popular as technology improved

and while European governments taxed newspapers and other publications, America had

remained relatively immune until the Stamp Act.

In fact, according to Princeton

University Professor Dr. Paul Starr, “the Stamp Act crisis during the Revolutionary era

left behind a distinct bias against any special taxes on the press,” and future attempts to

enforce a duty on printed material would prove unsuccessful.

The Sons of Liberty later used placards, newspapers and posted broadsides

Parkinson, “Print, the Press,” 1.

Ibid.

Paul Starr, The Creation of the Media: Political Origins of Modern Communications (New York: Basic

Books, 2005), 125.

Ibid.

extensively to communicate their agenda and anti-British sentiment developed by their

Committees of Correspondence. It was not unusual following a Sons of Liberty

gathering to observe a meeting notice or proposed, referred, or passed resolutions in

taverns, meeting places, or city centers throughout America.

The Stamp Act crisis was not the first-time Americans utilized placards or

broadsides, but it is important to point out their use during this time. During the mid-

1760’s, Americans had observed the importance of distributing a rapid and easy method

to communicate. These placards and broadsides provided a network of communications

with one another through cities, colonies and occasionally, throughout the entirety of

North America.

Due to the volatile and delicate nature of the thirteen American

colonies and the British government, pamphlets, placards, and broadsides formed the

connection required to frame a continental communication network.

Newspapers

Before 1765, newspapers were relatively unimportant as agencies for molding and

reporting public opinion.

However, as the printing press became more accessible, so

did the range of opinions it printed. The popularity of the newspaper continued to grow

during the 1760’s, through the 1770’s, and by 1775, there were thirty-eight newspapers in

the mainland colonies.

These new publications became crowded with columns of

arguments and counter-arguments appearing as letters, official documents, extracts of

Parkinson, “Print, the Press,” 1.

Ibid.

Oats and Sadler, “Accounting for the Stamp Act Crisis,” 127.

Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 1.

speeches, and sermons.

The writing style and content found in the colonial press was much different than

what is published in modern newspapers. Due to the structure of the newspaper business

in the 18

century, the material that appeared in each paper was “exchanged” from other

papers in different cities, creating a uniform effect similar to a modern newswire.

The

exchange system allowed the same story to appear across North America and provided

the Revolutionaries with a method to shore up a fragile sense of unity. It is difficult to

imagine American independence—as a popular idea, let alone an impact on policy

decisions—without understanding the importance of print and its effect on colonial

America in the mid-18th century.

The eighteenth-century newspaper effectively

bridged gaps in geography, assisted in the spread of information, and contributed to an

independence movement network.

In establishing American independence, the pen and press had merit equal to that

of the sword.

In the 1760’s, print became a contested cause of imperial reform.

Parliament focused its attention on the printed word as the center of the constitutional

debate over the colonies’ place in the empire and their responsibility in sharing tax

burdens.

If Britain asserted its authority on American print, the Excise Service required

a focus on New York City as publishing efforts continued to grow with the city’s industry

and population.

Ibid.

Parkinson, “Print, the Press,” 1.

Ibid.

David Ramsay, The History of the American Revolution, Vol. 2 (Bedford, MA: Applewood Books,

1789), 319.

Parkinson, “Print, the Press,” 2.

In an attempt to avoid the use of stamps, several newspapers suspended

publication after the Nov 1

implementation of the Stamp Act, while most printers

continued business as usual and ignored the requirement that news sheets be stamped.

The Sons of Liberty also played an essential role in the printing of newspapers by

threatening violence upon any editor that would stop printing or refused to publish their

pieces. John Holt, printer of the New York Gazette, received a warning on October 31

stating, "should you at this critical time shut up the press, and basely desert us, depend

upon it, your house, person and effects, will be in imminent danger. We shall, therefore,

expect your paper on Thursday as usual…"

Newspapers throughout America continued

to spout rhetoric focused on not only the Stamp Act but also stamp distributors and pro-

British officials including Governor Bernard, Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson of

Massachusetts, and even George Grenville.

The Stamp Act and colonial resistance politicized print and printers in new ways.

For the remainder of the imperial crisis, print remained at the center of the colonial

resistance movement, connecting disparate resistance groups to one another, and

providing the most reliable communications network across the Atlantic world.

Newspapers, pamphlets, and broadsides were, indeed, the lifeblood of American

resistance. Because of the unstable and fragile notions of unity among the thirteen

mainland American colonies, print acted as a binding agent that mitigated the chances

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 196.

Isaac Leake, Memoir of the Life and Times of General John Lamb (Albany: J. Munsell, 1850), 13-14.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 197.

Parkinson, “Print, the Press,” 2.

that the colonies would not support one another when war with Britain broke out in

1775.

The response from newspapers to the Stamp Act varied as much as the opinions

of those reading their publications. The New York Gazette temporarily suspended its

periodicals after June 10

, 1765 and resumed regular production on November 25

having published three unplanned issues during the period.

Publications in Albany,

Hudson, Poughkeepsie, and Schenectady, NY were all slow to produce periodicals until

after the American Revolutionary period.

The Niagara Frontier showed little progress

in generating newspapers until the 19

century.

Imposing a tax on newspapers also had an anticipated effect on Americans to

conduct business and obtain property. Eighteenth-century newspapers were a vehicle to

reach the broadest audience possible. Colonists in both rural and urban areas relied

heavily upon print to market goods and insurance and to announce auctions and

foreclosures.

By statute, court-sponsored foreclosures of debtor's assets such as land

and slaves were required to be advertised in newspapers.

Broadsides and posters found

throughout eighteenth-century cities were a frequent sight, but the audience the

newspaper attracted was difficult to surpass. The importance of the newspaper shared a

direct impact on colonial markets due to the number of subscribers and the merchants and

auction houses who utilized them for advertisement.

Ibid.

Library of Congress, “Eighteenth-Century American Newspapers in the Library of Congress, New York,

New York” last modified July 19, 2010. https://www.loc.gov/rr/news/18th/430.html

Library of Congress, “Eighteenth-Century American Newspapers in the Library of Congress, Albany

New York” last modified July 19, 2010. https://www.loc.gov/rr/news/18th/newyork.html#434

Claire Priest and Justin duRivage, “The Stamp Act and American Institutional and Economic History,”

Yale Law School (2014), 7.

Ibid., 11-12.

Ibid.

Additionally, the levy would also challenge the ability to petition local, colonial,

and parliamentary government officials, thus making written opposition less common.

By slowing colonial appeals while simultaneously funding the British Army in North

America the Stamp Act was designed to fund, it served as the vehicle for radical change

and British imposition into colonial public opinion, business, and life.

Providence, Philadelphia, Charleston, Boston and New York City all joined the

cause in various ways, either by becoming members of the Sons of Liberty, opening their

print shops for political meetings, or publishing a wide array of stories, essays, and items

that supported revolutionary thought.

Anonymity was vital in authoring anti-British

sentiment during the revolutionary era, and many writers assumed pseudonym to avoid

being targeted by authorities. John Holt, one of New York's most prominent publishers

was responsible for authoring, and printing, pro-revolutionary newspapers that found

their way throughout New York.

New York was, however, home to many British loyalist and newspapers found a

way to market to them as well. Hugh Gaine’s New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury and

James Rivington’s New York Gazette were both known to be the leading Tory prints

within the colonies. Like many eighteenth-century printers, their financial interests

dominated whom they would market their writings to. Gaines, who had been printing a

newspaper in New York since 1752, soiled his name with revolutionaries when he began

to publish pro-British periodicals that found their way throughout North America during

the Stamp Act crisis and well into the later part of the eighteenth century.

Newspapers

Parkinson, “Print, the Press,” 5-6.

Ibid., 10.

Ibid.

and pamphlets had their most significant impact on American history during the years of

1765-1766, 1768-1769, and 1774-1776.

These years mark major events leading up to

and including the American Revolution while written arguments and the actions of others

influence both American and British citizens.

Historian Bernard Bailyn writes, "The opponents of the Revolution… were as

convinced as were the leaders of the Revolutionary movement that they were themselves

the victims of conspirational designs. Officials in the colonies and their superiors in

England were persuaded as the crisis deepened that they were confronted by an active

conspiracy of intriguing men whose professions masked their true intentions.”

The

Stamp Act had larger implications and motivations than merely raising revenue for Great

Britain. By levying an additional tax on pamphlets, newspapers, legal documents, and

even the advertisements that publishers profited from, the Stamp Act made it much more

difficult for anti-government public opinion to reach a broad audience and curb dissent

among colonial Americans.

Homer Calkin, “Pamphlets and Public Opinion During the American Revolution,” The Pennsylvania

Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 64, No. 1, (Jan., 1940), 27.

Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 150-151.

Priest and duRivage, “The Stamp Act,” 23.

CHAPTER FOUR: NEW YORK’S IMPACT

“Planted by your care? No! Your oppression planted them in America… Nourished by

your indulgence? They grew by your neglect of them… As soon as you began to care

about them that care was exercised in sending person to rule over them… Men whose

behavior on many occasions has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within

them.”

-Colonel Isaac Barre, British Member of Parliament, February 6

, 1765

Sons of Liberty

During the early stages of the Stamp Act disturbances, ordinary people, chiefly

mechanics and artisans from many different crafts, united together to call for the

boycotting of British goods in several colonial ports in 1765 and formed a network of

revolutionaries referred to as the Sons of Liberty.

The Sons of Liberty executed their

resistance measures through a wide range of methods including written and verbal

messages, organized gatherings, and even violent actions targeted toward British

supporters and officials.

The Sons of Liberty maintained a presence from South Carolina to New

Hampshire and derived their name from a well-publicized speech that American

sympathizer, Colonel Isaac Barre presented to the British Parliament.

Barre, both British

Army Officer and member of Parliament, felt the Stamp Act would have significant

repercussions on the relationship between the American colonies and Great Britain.

Many of the same arguments Barre made to Parliament were the same opinions the Sons

of Liberty shared. In Barre's powerful speech to his fellow members, he points to

Wood, Radicalism of the American Revolution, 244.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 91.

Parliament as negligent in the care of the colonies. An American battle anthem of sorts,

his words point to the British as oppressive to Americans and that they had left Britain for

good cause. The Stamp Act would only further divide the two and it would likely end in

their separation.

It was in New York City that these radicals involved in resistance claimed the

name as their own while encouraging other like-minded groups throughout the colonies

to utilize as well. Smaller factions throughout North America looked upon the Sons of

Liberty in New York and Boston as a beacon of liberty and revolutionary example

worthy of following.

Crowd action during the pre-revolutionary period varied in intensity. These

gatherings were sometimes orchestrated and other times impromptu in response to

actions taken by colonial governors or British troops. According to historian Edward

Countryman, “Disguises, effigies, tarring and feathering, bonfires, even tearing down

houses were all well understood in the eighteenth-century world, and colonials turned to

them because they were familiar acts.”

Britons and Americans viewed these actions in

New York as intense, full of passion and rooted in the colonial argument against the

Stamp Act during this period and through the revolution.

The rationale and justification of these actions by the Sons of Liberty were

simple. They had discovered a method to prevent the collection of taxes through the

intimidation of tax collectors while simultaneously utilizing violence as a political tool.

Although from different backgrounds and tradecraft, artisans and intercontinental

John Reid, “In Our Contracted Sphere: The Constitutional Contract, The Stamp Act Crisis, and the

Coming of the American Revolution,” Columbia Law Review, Vol. 76, No. 1, (Jan., 1976), 31-32.

Ibid., 90.

merchants in New York City had a great deal in common as they faced the imperial

crisis.

Their primary focus was to produce a robust American economy while

simultaneously ensuring the British government would not compromise colonial rights

and privileges.

Preparations for the reception of the stamps in New York led to Lt Governor

Colden requesting General Thomas Gage garrison additional troops at Fort George, in

Manhattan, to protect British interests and serve as a repository for the inbound stamps.

There was no armed resistance by the Sons of Liberty until October 23

, 1765, just

weeks prior to Britain's implementation, when a ship carrying the stamped papers arrived

in the New York harbor. New York, one of America’s busiest ports, typically had idle,

patriotic, often drunken, sailors present. Two thousand colonists, led by the Sons of

Liberty, met the ship at the pier and although agitated and ready for confrontation,

remained non-violent.

However, on October 31

, a large mob formed in the streets near Fort George

breaking lamps and windows and threatening British supporters and politicians that they

would “pull down their houses,” if the Act were to be enforced.

Ignoring the Sons’

claims, Captain Archibald Kennedy of the HMS Coventry reported 2,000 angry colonists

had assembled at Fort George and had hung the effigy of Lt Governor Colden.

The

crowd continued as they dragged the effigy throughout New York City firing pistols and

making a loud disturbance throughout the streets.

Returning to Fort George, the mob

Countryman, The American Revolution, 92.

Donna Spindel, The Stamp Act Riots (Durham, NC: Duke University, 1975) 119.

Ibid., 120.

Ibid.

Stevens, “The Port of New York,” 360.

banged at the gate and began to throw bricks and stones at the British regulars and fort.

British historian Christopher Hibbert writes about the following day, “In New

York on Nov 1

, 1765, when the Stamp Act was about to take effect and flags were

flown at half-mast in mourning for the death of American liberty, a large crowd,

[composed of Sons of Liberty members and supporters] gathered to watch the burning of

an effigy of the Lieutenant Governor, Cadwallader Colden, as unpopular a figure as

Thomas Hutchinson of Boston and burned an effigy with Colden’s carriages, which they

had dragged out of his coach-house.”

Following the gathering at Colden’s home, the Sons of Liberty sponsored mob

marched to the home of Major Thomas James, Commander of Fort George, and burned

“all of his Household Furniture, Wearing Apparel of himself & family, Cellar, Library of

three hundred choise Books, a great many of His Majesty’s Papers & Plans, besides all

his Manuscripts & Curiosities of Antiquity.”

The mob did not stop with these attacks,

continued throughout the night, and destroyed several other British supporters’

residences.

The threats to set fire to Fort George were now a realistic possibility if the stamps

and legal papers were not relocated elsewhere. Local officials ordered Captain Kennedy

of the Coventry to remove the stamped paper and store them aboard his ship. Kennedy

refused over concerns it may appear to the Sons he supported the Stamp Act and the

several properties that he owned in the vicinity would likely fall victim to the mob.

Ibid.

Hibbert, Redcoats and Rebels, 9.

James to Colden, November 6

, 1765. Letters and Papers of Colden, 89-90.

Spindel, Stamp Act Riots, 122.

Kennedy’s refusal to accept the Stamps served as the last objection to Colden and forced

the Lt Governor to surrender to the will of the people.

The Sons of Liberty became

empowered as they witnessed the effect their actions had and the utilization of violence

as a political tool.

These events in New York City on the eve of the Stamp Act’s implementation

proved extremely important for the morale of the colonist and its effect on the British

government for a number of reasons. Once the British government learned of these and

similar riots in the other American towns by the Sons of Liberty, the British were obliged

to conclude that, while it was simple enough to pass a Stamp Act through the House of

Commons, it was impossible to enforce in America so long as officials were prevented

from collecting the dues.”

Additionally, New York City served as the headquarters of

the British Army in North America and the inability to maintain a capable military

presence was a major victory for Americans.

The Fort George instance could have also marked the beginning of the American

Revolution had Colden not shown the restraint he did. Understanding the ramifications,

Colden later wrote had British regulars fired upon the mob, it would have likely produced

much more than bloodshed.

He felt many innocent colonists may have been killed or

would have retreated only to return with arms and storm the fort. Several decisions, both

British and American, nearly marked November 1

, 1766 as the beginning of the

American Revolution at Fort George, New York City. The Sons of Liberty in New York

Ibid.

Hibbert, Redcoats and Rebels, 9-10.

Spindel, Stamp Act Riots, 123.

O’Callaghan, Colden to Conway, Feb 21

, 1766, Documents Relative to Colonial History of the State of

NY, 812.

City exposed one of the most substantial flaws in Britain’s Stamp Act; if there was no

British will or way to support the Act, its implementation and ability to collect revenue

upon the colonists was impossible.

Stamp Act Congress

The Virginia House of Burgesses prepared the first formal American protest

against the Stamp Act in May of 1765.

Patrick Henry, a newly elected Virginian, urged

the members of the House to establish sanctioned opposition against the stamp law.

The Burgesses contended that the government of Virginia possessed the sole authority to

tax Virginians for revenue, and their resolutions denouncing the Stamp Act circulated

through the colonies.

Newspapers throughout the colonies reported on the event, exaggerating them to

some degree, and word spread rallying Americans behind the opposition. This formal

resistance from a colonial body laid the groundwork for others to follow suit. On June

, 1765, the General Court of Massachusetts went one step further by proposing an

inter-colonial meeting on the Stamp Act in New York City.

Of the thirteen colonies,

twenty-three delegates from nine colonies attended the Stamp Act Congress between

October 7

and 24

, 1765.

New Hampshire declined but later approved the proceedings

while Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia’s assemblies would not convene to elect

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 82-83.

Ibid., 82.

Spindel, Stamp Act Riots, 12.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 108.

Spindel, Stamp Act Riots, 12.

delegates to be sent.

By the end of 1765, eight other colonies had voted and approved

resolutions denouncing the Stamp Act and rejecting Great Britain’s right to tax the

American colonies for revenue.

The British Stamp Act elicited yet another unintended consequence. It brought

official colonial bodies together to achieve their common goal; promotion of colonial

self-interest as a principal priority. None of those eight legislatures had passed

resolutions before the fall of 1765 and Virginia’s example undoubtedly assisted them in

the production of declarations against the Act. By the beginning of 1766, politics in most

of the colonies had assumed a shape somewhat different from that of March 1765 when

the Stamp Act was passed.

Members of the Congress came together for twelve days, excluding Sunday, to

argue the “rights and privileges of the British American Colonists.”

But why did it take

twelve days to draft a slightly shorter document arguing Britain's right to tax them? All

members of the Congress accepted the authority of Parliament to regulate trade

throughout the empire they had created but felt it imprudent to acknowledge such

authority in its official statement.

The ability to wordsmith a declaration that

recognized British authority to regulate trade but rejected its right to tax them internally

for purposes of revenue proved extremely difficult.

Constitutional rights as Englishman was also a topic of discussion at the New

York sponsored Stamp Act Congress. The distinction between legislation and taxation

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 108.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 83.

Ibid.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 110.

Ibid., 113.

was presented: Parliament had the authority to levy taxes as well as make laws in Great

Britain, but for the colonies, it could only make laws. Additionally, the British

constitution guaranteed the right to be taxed only by consent, which, the American

colonists did not provide.

Following the colonial resolutions, the well respect Benjamin Franklin visited the

British House of Commons to discuss the colonial argument. Franklin also echoed

colonial denial that Parliament had the right to levy duties for revenue on colonial

imports and exports.

However, he further explained the differences, and that “an

internal tax [such as a stamp tax or a tax on property] is forced from the people without

their consent, if not laid by their own representatives,” whereas a duty on exports “is

added to the first cost and other charges on the commodity, and when it is offered to sale,

makes a part of the price. If the people do not like it at that price, they… are not obliged

to pay it.”

Franklin’s testimony did receive some colonial criticism as it confirmed

what the Stamp Act Congress’s resolutions did not: Britain’s authority over the American

colonial population and the relationship it had with the empire.

The British Parliament simply did not want to understand or embrace the colonial

opinion that it was not to tax Americans for revenue purposes. Parliament’s opinion was

that if an act were passed within its chambers, it would be obeyed by the subjects of

Great Britain, and the right of Parliament to make laws for the American colonies was

indisputable.

Negotiations over its right to rule would simply not be entertained, at this

point, by the British government. The relationship between mother and child continued

Ibid., 117-118.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 3.

Ibid.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 106.

to become strained and steps were being taken, on both sides of the Atlantic, to enforce or

reject laws, by power if required, while written diplomacy was on the verge of no longer

remaining an option.

CHAPTER FIVE: REPEAL AND CONSEQUENCES

“This [trade revenue] is the price that America pays you for her protection… It is, that

the Stamp Act be repealed absolutely; totally and immediately.”

-William Pitt, Address to House of Commons, January 14

, 1766

Repeal

On the eve of the repeal of the Stamp Act, the discussion of internal versus

external taxation was prevalent in both America and England. Colonists maintained their

opinion that British Parliament could not tax Americans “for the single purpose of

revenue” based upon English constitutional law and their inherent God-given rights.

tensions continued to rise in America over the issue, the House of Commons began to

entertain other methods to tax British citizens in colonial America.

Following the intercolonial Stamp Act Congress at New York, William Pitt,

member of Parliament and colonial sympathizer, begged the English Ministry to accept

America’s petition and repeal the Stamp Act. The Ministry and House of Commons

offered no opportunity for the Stamp Act Congress to be heard, and the American

petition was not reviewed or received.

October 1765 through February 1766, the

position of British taxation and its place in colonial interest continued to be discussed in

Parliament.

British merchants involved in international trade also appealed to

Parliament through a petition in December 1765, concerned by the fear of a loss of trade,

if a colonial boycott were to take place.

English merchants felt an embargo possible due

to the increase in restrictions on intercolonial commerce and the illegal opportunity for

Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 212. (Derived from Dulany’s Pamphlets)

Knollenberg, Growth of the American Revolution, 21.

Ibid, 22.

Ibid.

colonial businesses to source non-British products. Additionally, the fear that Americans

might default on their credit owed to British merchants while selling American produced

raw materials to competitors was a primary concern.

The ingenuity and resourcefulness

of Americans threatened the entire British Empire as they became more creative in the

products they purchased and their utilization. Petitions from British merchants flooded

the House of Commons and the Stamp Act was no longer merely an American issue but

threatened the livelihood of British merchants and the English economy.

Benjamin Franklin was afforded the opportunity to speak to Parliament regarding

the issue in February 1766. In a three-hour testimony, Franklin dissected Parliament’s

“unconstitutional and unjust” distinction between their right to levy internal and external

taxes on Americans while they had no representation in Great Britain’s official body.

He could not deny Parliament’s right to tax America entirely but was very explicit in the

division between internal and external taxation and colonial opinion on the matter.

The relationship between King George III and George Grenville had become

strained over legislation that would not afford the King’s mother authority in the event of

the incapacitation of the King.

King George removed Grenville from his post as Prime

Minister and replaced him with Charles Watson-Wentworth, Second Marquis of

Rockingham.

The new Rockingham Ministry’s agenda, commissioned by King George,

was to assert the British government’s place in colonial America in the wake of Stamp

Act riots and tame the general unrest over the legislation. During the early months of

1766 and prior to the repeal of the Stamp Act on March 18

, 1766, Parliament introduced

Ibid.

Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 214.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 271-272.

Knollenberg, Growth of the American Revolution, 21-22.

three pieces of legislation that made the British repeal of the Stamp Act possible.

The first of three pieces of legislation presented to Parliament were components

of the Declaratory Act, approved the same day the Stamp Act’s repeal was to be enacted.

This act asserted the complete and absolute power over the colonies and reinforced

Parliament’s control and authority to establish laws without limit.

Because the

discussion of taxes, both internal and external had remained such a focus, Rockingham

refrained from any mention in this declaration. Rather, the declaration was merely

focused on laws, statues, and the relationship between the Crown and those who fell

subordinate to it.

By omitting taxes, it also removed any possibility of conversation on

the Act shifting its focus on taxes and offered a clear distinction of British authority

through legislation.

The second approved legislation was economic in nature. It branded the Stamp

Act economically unfavorable to British interests.

This declaration showed favor with

British merchants while indicating support from the government as the American

colonies had begun to resort to smuggling from the French and Spanish. Industries

across the British economy, including the West Indies trade of natural resources, had

continued to decline as American colonists were forced to become more creative in

sourcing the products and commodities they required. The act, designed to generate

revenue and protect English interests, actually presented negative effects to those it was

Roy Allen Billington, The Reinterpretation of Early American History (New York: W.W. Norton and

Company, 1968), 107.

Knollenberg, Growth of the American Revolution, 21-22.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 287-288.

designed to protect while Americans witnessed contrary results from its intended

purpose.

The third burden the British bestowed upon the colonies was the Townshend

Revenue Act. The act targeted molasses, glass, lead, paint, tea, and paper- imports from

both foreign and British territories and was, in a sense, the reissue of the Sugar Act.

The American argument that they were willing to accept external taxes from government

was the focus of this act is 1767. By increasing the cost of molasses from three pence to

one penny per gallon, the Revenue Act was able to generate more revenue than any

previously imposed duty.

Reception was varied from the colonies over this external tax

and British merchants were poised to regain their place in the American economy once

again. The Revenue Act is significant as it set a precedent for the years leading up to the

American Revolution and the method by which Parliament might approach the taxation

issue in Colonial America.

The British appeared to have progressed past the Stamp Act with the termination

of all penalties incurred from violations of the act while simultaneously validating any

document that had required a stamp.

Although repeal of the Stamp Act restored order

in the colonies, adoption of the Declaratory Act paved the way for a future stamp tax or

additional taxes Parliament may see fit to impose. Parliament had attempted to stretch its

authority over colonial affairs and the Stamp Act crisis laid out the distinction between

internal and external taxes for both parties.

Englishmen and Americans had avoided

Ibid., 273-274.

Ray Raphael, A People’s History of the American Revolution (New York: The New Press, 2001), 39.

Knollenberg, Growth of the American Revolution, 25.

Ibid.

Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, 292.

large-scale armed conflict and civil war up until 1766. However, the Stamp Act repeal

did not restore the relationship America and Great Britain had maintained and their

connection was severely strained. In the years to come, the the United Kingdom would

take desperate actions to retain its authority over Colonial America. Their relationship

would become increasingly strained and eventually Americans would have little choice

but to meet with armed resistance projecting British America into the inevitable

revolution.

The Impending Revolution

Following the repeal of the Stamp Act, Great Britain focused its attention on

asserting its authority in the Americas with a number of legislative acts. While the

immediate threat of rebellion and civil war had been avoided between the two, Parliament

insisted upon reinforcing its authority at the expense of the rights of Englishman in

America. Americans continued to feel as if their rights and position in the British Empire

were less significant than those of their counterparts in England in the years to follow the

Stamp Act repeal.

When British Parliament began to discuss repeal of the Stamp Act, it showed

concerns that it may empower the American position and energize any separatist

movement.

Merchant correspondents and committees in England communicated to the

colonial counterparts that violence against English officials only prolonged and nearly

prevented repeal completely.

However, Americans were now inspired and more

sympathetic to the revolutionary cause than ever before. Merely asserting British power

to "make laws and statues… to bind the colonies and power of America… in all cases

Ibid., 293.

Ibid.

whatsoever" with the Declaratory Act challenged the very ideas governing American

objection to the Stamp Act.

At the same time when Parliament had passed the Stamp Act, the Mutiny Act was

ratified, which required Americans to provide care and quarters for British troops

stationed in North America.

The colonial assembly of New York had refused to

approve the Act until Parliament forbade the assembly to act in any official capacity,

forcing compliance. This further strained American-British relations as citizens all over

America witnessed British reign over the New York Restraining Act.

In 1767, colonials

continued to share major objections to the Quartering Act as New York City received an

influx of British troops that were afforded accommodations at the expense of Americans.

One of the significant colonial objections to the Stamp Act had been Britain's

right to impose an internal tax. With the repeal of the Stamp Act and the need to

continue a steady flow of imperial revenue, Charles Townshend, now the Chancellor of

the Exchequer (the position the architect of the Stamp Act, George Grenville had once

held) proposed a new solution. In 1767, Parliament received and approved an act taxing

the importation of glass, lead, painters’ colors, and tea.

Once again, Parliament’s

attempts to shift focus from internal to external taxation of the American colonies failed.

The colonial opposition took the form of nonimportation against the taxed articles and

between 1767-1770 the importation of glass and painters’ colors was reduced by half,

Countryman, The American Revolution, 44.

Ibid.

Ibid., 45.

Dickerson, The Navigation Acts, 198.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 46.

each year.

The concentration of imports in America were primarily between Boston and

New York City (55.7%), and the continual threat of mob action against customs officials

proved just as successful now as it did during the Stamp Act crisis.

Parliament had little choice but to repeal the failed Townshend Act and in another

attempt to maintain the image of authority, maintained the tea provision.

Meanwhile,

the British based East India Company continued to market its tea to the international

market but had begun to struggle and called upon the English government for

assistance.

Tea was a staple in the 18

century and not delegated to a small percentage

of the population or a social class. It was abundant in the far east and extremely

important to the British economy and the future of the Empire in India. As the East India

Company struggled to return investment to shareholders, Parliament came to its rescue at

the expense of colonial Americans, resulting in the 1773 passage of the Tea Act.

The Tea Act is significant for a number of reasons, not only because it displayed

Britain’s favoritism of a homegrown corporation over colonial opinions as a whole, but it

represented an outright assault on American industry. The act afforded the East India

Company two substantial benefits. First, it allowed tea to be marketed directly to

colonials using its internal agents in America.

The markets and colonial wholesalers

previously involved in the sale of tea were removed from the transaction and it was sold

directly to the consumer.

Second, the company was exempt from the duty on tea that it

Dickerson, The Navigation Acts, 198.

Ibid.

Hibbert, Redcoats and Rebels, 18.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 46.

Nash, Unknown American Revolution, 89.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 47.

Morgan, Birth of the Republic, 59.

imported to Britain and then reshipped to America.

This would undercut the tea that

had been traded legitimately or smuggled in by American merchants (often the same

merchant).

Colonial vendors that dealt in the most sought after commodity of the 18

century had no chance of survival when competing with the British government backed

East India Company. The colonies banded together and refused to accept many of the

shipments. Under the mask of night on December 16

, 1773 in the Boston, colonials

went as far as to board an East India Company vessel and unload its contents, primarily

tea, into the harbor.

The legislative acts imposed by the British in the colonies are what banded

Americans together in opposition under the veil of print, riots, non-importation, and

eventual armed resistance. British agents urged their American counterparts to refrain

from inciting violence against stamp agents or officials as it would only strengthen

Parliament’s resolve and enforcement practices.

As early as 1773, newspapers began to

carry articles openly speculating on the timing of an American declaration of

independence.

The Sugar Act, Stamp Act, Townshend taxes, and Tea Act represented

the major mileposts along the road to imperial crisis.

As each act failed and was

repealed, a common British theme and principal argument existed; the colonies would

interpret it as a sign of weakness.

By September 1774, the first Continental Congress had met in Philadelphia and

Countryman, The American Revolution, 47.

Ibid.

Morgan, Birth of the Republic, 60.

Morgan, The Stamp Act, 293.

Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 214.

Countryman, The American Revolution, 47.

Morgan, The Stamp Act, 293.

began working in a more official capacity than a committee of correspondence.

One

year later and for over a decade, the largest and most powerful military and naval power

would wage war against the Continental Army while colonial merchants, lawyers, and

smugglers would be placed into positions which required them to become architects of a

new nation. The British government had acquired a tremendous amount of debt

defending both the Empire and its colonies in North America and was confronted with

difficult decisions. The decision to tax British America through legislation such as the

Stamp Act was simple; Great Britain had just defended its citizens from French

advancement and required means to generate revenue for their defense.

Morgan, Birth of the Republic, 61.

CONCLUSION

“The distinction between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders

are no more. I am Not A Virginian But An American!”

-Patrick Henry, Address to First Continental Congress, October 14

, 1774

The 1760’s proved to be a pivotal time in American history. The intellectual

growth colonial Americans underwent was truly amazing and the American experiment

was unlike any other. Eighteenth-century social lines were well established, even in

America, but colonial desire to be independent was contagious. Scholarship is divided on

the issue as to where overall support lay throughout British America, but the American

army always relied on popular support.

The revolution was a people’s war, and the

British government was faced with much more than a war on the battlefield. The colony

of New York, particularly in New York City, maintained a loyalist presence through

much of the early years of the American war for independence. However, had the British

defeated the American Army, maintaining the overall support of the colony would have

proven difficult.

America, even before its independence, had become a different entity than

England. North America had become a melting pot of cultural diversity as Europeans

viewed it as a land of opportunity well before such a phrase was coined “American.” Its

proximity to the Caribbean and other major trade routes offered a strategic and economic

advantage and its unmolested land flourished with natural resources. It should be no

surprise the importance colonial America occupied within the British Empire.

Morgan, Birth of the Republic, 79.

The American Stamp Act served as one of several Acts during the imperial crisis

that defined the relationship between Great Britain and its North American colonies.

King George III and England demonstrated power and authority over their subordinates

while Americans contemplated British cause, reasoning, and motivations in their methods

of affection. The idea of relieving British burdens by taxing colonies had often been

suggested but prior to the 1760’s, viewed as an unwise gesture.

However, the

combination of events would set America on a trajectory to self-governance and

independence.

Some Americans buried themselves in intellectual and scholarly thought on how

they may shape their new nation while others strived to nurture their seasonal harvests.

Their connections may have been loose but America’s failing relationship with Great

Britain fostered the progress of intercolonial relationships. Every medium of written

expression was utilized to educate and inform their fellow citizens.

Newspapers were

filled with arguments and counterarguments, letters, speeches, sermons, broadsides,

placards, booklets, and pamphlets, and all carried equal importance in opposition to the

Stamp Act and others. Conventional and unconventional American thought share their

roots during this crucial stage in history.

It may have been Britain's endeavors that overextended its reach in America in an

attempt to enforce its authority, protect its interests, and finance troops garrisoned in the

thirteen colonies which ultimately laid the groundwork for American independence. Had

its actions been anticipated, Great Britain would have likely taken a different approach to

imperial administrative policies in North America. To focus on just the American

Ibid., 14.

Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 1.

patriotic movement frankly glosses over the complexity of the relationship between

Britain and the colonies. France and Great Britain continued to protect their interests

from one another while competing as the dominant powers at sea, and in other areas.

As a colony and eventual state, New York represented an accurate portrayal of the

greater population within North America. It offered tremendous social, political, and

economic diversity spanning from New York City to the Niagara Frontier.

Revolutionaries who found themselves within the ranks of the Sons of Liberty,

publishing newspapers, pamphlets, and placards leading up to and surrounding

themselves in the Stamp Act had a major impact on the direction America found itself

during 1765 and years to come. Producing leaders from unlikely places and professions

was simply what New York became great at. Ultimately, the Stamp Act had a very

profound effect on the American experiment: it hurled the American colonies into a

whirlwind of social, political, and economic changes and self-discovery that would be

explored for years to come. This piece of legislation can be credited for causing enough

discontent within British America that eventually led to the American patriot movement,

the war for independence, and an example of revolutionary thought and demonstration to

others in the coming years.

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